•  ; 


PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY 


staten 
acldre 


BMJCKOFT 


PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 


It  is  intended  in  this  paper  to  briefly  consider  the  Indian  ques 
tion  under  three  principal  heads. 

The  first  will  concisely  review  the  past  conduct  of  the 

Federal  Government  toward  the  Indians. 
The  second  will  indicate  what  its  policy  should  be  in  the 

future. 

The  third  will  point  out  the  means  necessary  to  be  used 
to  compel  the  Government  to  adopt  and  maintain  such 
a  policy. 

ABSORPTION  OR  EXTERMINATION. 

The  only  alternative  which  civilization  offers  to  the  Indians 
is  gradual  absorption  or  extermination.  There  is  no  middle 
ground  between  these  two  extremes.  But  before  they  can  be 
absorbed  they  must  be  led  to  civilization  and  citizenship.  After 
that  they  will  in  time  gradually  assimilate  with  the  general 
population  and  thus  cease  to  be  a  separate  and  distinct  race. 

FAIR  PLAY. 

The  first  great  essential  is  that  the  Indians  should  have  fair 
play.  This  the  frontiermen  will  never  give  them,  and  the  dis 
grace  of  its  denial  falls  not  on  them  alone,  but  upon  the  whole 
Nation,  which  must  make  reparation  for  the  wrongs  it  has  per 
mitted  the  border  settlers  to  perpetrate. 
1 


2  THE  FEDERAL  POLICY. 

THE  TRIBAL  RELATION. 

The  separate  existence  of  the  Indians  in  tribes  invites  attack 
and  is  in  this  respect  an  element  of  weakness,  yet,  nevertheless, 
it -is  absolutely  necessary  to  preserve  them  in  that  condition  un 
til  they  are  sufficiently  civilized  to  be  made  citizens — in  fact, 
not  merely  in  name — and  thus  become  able  to  take  their  chances 
with  other  men  in  the  battle  of  life. 

A  writer  in  the  Friends'  Review  says,  that  in  1870,  Pleasant 
Porter,  a  leading  Creek,  said  to  him  :  — 

"If  our  country  be  placed  under  a  territorial  government  and 
whites  come  in  upon  us,  the  few  of  us,  who  are  educated  so  as 
to  avail  ourselves  of  the  sale  of  lands,  will  become  rich.  But 
the  mass  of  the  people  will  soon  lose  their  all  and  become  vag 
abonds  and  fugitives.  For  untold  generations,  your  people 
have  held  property  in  severalty  and  have  had  hereditary  habits 
of  acquiring  and  holding  possession  and  of  looking  to  the  fu 
ture.  For  untold  generations  our  people  have  held  property  in 
common,  have  learned  only  to  supply  our  present  wants  and 
to  care  nothing  for  the  future,  and  when  we  are  brought  into 
contact  you  eat  us  up.  Do  all  you  can  then  to  help  us  hold 
this  territory  intact  until  by  the  slow  process  of  education,  we 
can  train  our  people  to  bear  competition  with  yours." 

In  order  to  clearly  understand  the  Indian  question  and  to  in 
dicate  what  course  should  be  pursued  by  the  Nation  in  its 
relations  with  this  race,  it  is  necessary  that  the  history  of  the  past 
be  first  considered. 

Let  the  Federal  policy  of  the  past  be  briefly  reviewed  both  as 
to  its  acts  and  the  instigators  of  them. 


THE  PAST  FEDERAL  POLICY. 


THE  PAST  FEDERAL  POLICY. 

The  Federal  policy  in  the  past  has  been  weak,  shuffling  and 
perfidious  to  the  last  degree.  Let  the  reader  for  a  moment  ask 
himself  what  element  has  inaugurated  this  policy.  It  will  be 
seen  that  the  Jiumanity,  the  enterprise,  the  public  spirit,  and  the 
culture  of  the  Nation  have  silently  looked  on  unconcerned 
whilst  the  lawless  passions  and  greed  of  a  handful  of  frontier- 
men  and  refugees  have  forced  their  ideas  upon  the  Govern 
ment.  These  are  the  refuse  of  the  great  cities,  the  failures 
of  civilization,  the  men  whose  natures  are  restive  under  the 
restraints  of  law — in  other  words,  the  practical  men  who  affect 
to  sneer  at  what  they  term  the  sentimentality  of  the  East.  This 
class  nourishes  in  all  its  native  rankness  in  that  political 
fungus — the  glory  of  the  immature  commonwealths  of  the 
border — the  mining  town,  and  it  is  from  this  source  that 
the  Federal  policy  has  drawn  its  inspiration.  And  yet  the 
civilized  millions  of  the  Nation  have,  for  generations,  per 
mitted  a  few  thousand  border  ruffians  to  attitudinize  on  the 
political  stage  as  the  "  pioneers  of  civilization." 

These  men  with  fierce  bluster  and  swagger  have  been  allowed 
to  force  their  barbaric  demands  upon  the  Federal  Government 
which  always  talks  well  and  acts  ill. 

The  Nation  has  proclaimed  that  "  all  men  are  created  equal 
and  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  creator  with  certain  in 
alienable  rights." 

But  according  to  these  frontier  statesmen,  this  means  that  "all 
men,  except  Indiam,  are  created  equal."  In  the  broad  benevo 
lent  minds  of  the  representatives  of  the  political  annex  of 
mining,  banking  and  railroad  companies  yclept  the  State, 
the  redman's  "inalienable  rights"  are  to  be  scalped,  to  be 
hunted  like  game,  to  be  driven  from  his  home,  to  have  the 
property  of  his  tribe  destroyed  without  hope  of  redress.  And 
all  this  for  the  benefit  of  those  heroic  souls  who  are  wont  to 
remind  the  world  with  no  uncertain  sound  that  they  are  "  carry- 


4  THE  RESULT. 

ing  westward  the  frontier  of  civilization."  God  preserve  us 
from  such  civilizers. 

THE  RESULT 

is  one  long  story  of  never  ending  shame,  of  promises  broken 
and  repeated  and  broken  again,  of  merciless  wars,  of  wanton,  un 
punished  massacres  both  by  troops  and  citizens,  of  unblushing 
treachery,  of  assassination  and  stealthy  murders  and  rapine  not 
merely  permitted,  but  ordered,  with  all  the  ghastly  details  of 
military  etiquette,  and  of  effusive  praise  by  general  officers  of 
the  regular  army  for  the  more  than  savage  barbarism  of  troops 
under  the  command  of  subordinates,  who  knew  what  would  be 
commended,  and  were  more  than  willing  to  carry  out  the  exter 
mination  theories  of  their  superior  officers. 

To  all  this  active  evil  must  be  added  the  neglect  of  every  duty 
and  the  failure  to  perform  every  promise  found  inconvenient  or 
unpopular.  These  are  hard  words,  but  the  history  that  evokes 
them  has  been  written  in  blood  and  tears  drawn  from  the  hearts 
and  eyes  of  countless  thousands  of  both  races  by  the  wanton  en 
croachments  of  the  frontier  settlers  and  the  alternate  cruelty, 
weakness  and  perfidy  of  the  Federal  Government. 

Bishop  Whipple  (1880)  wrote :  "  Pledges  solemnly  made  have 
been  shamelessly  violated.  The  Indian  has  had  no  redress  ex 
cept  war.  In  these  wars  ten  white  men  have  been  killed  to  one 
Indian,  and  the  Indians  who  were  killed  have  cost  the  Govern 
ment  §100,000  each.  Then  came  a  new  treaty,  more  violated 
faith  and  another  war  until  we  have  not  a  hundred  miles  be 
tween  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  which  has  not  been  the  scene  of 
an  Indian  massacre."  * 

Major  General  Stanley  (1870)  writing  from  Dakota,  said  that 
he  was  "  ashamed  longer  to  appear  in  the  presence  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  different  tribes  of  the  Sioux,  who  inquire  why  we  do  not 
do  as  we  promised,  and  in  their  vigorous  language,  aver  that  we 
have  lied." 

Sitting  Bull,  who  had  declined  to  treat  with  the  Government, 

*  Preface  to  "  Century  of  Dishonor,"  1881. 


A  CONTRAST.  5 

sent  his  refusal  to  Assistant  Secretary  Cowen,  in  these  words : 
"  Whenever  you  have  found  a  white  man  who  will  tell  the 
truth,  you  may  return  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  you." 

It  is  utterly  useless  to  argue  with  the  border  element.  The 
humanity  of  the  Nation  must  have  a  well-defined  and  aggres 
sive  policy  of  its  own,  and  force  its  adoption  on  the  Government. 
It  must  move  on  these  so-called  civilizers  of  the  frontier  and 
wipe  out  the  wrongs  they  have  done  and  are  still  doing,  and 
with  them  the  dishonor  which  now  rests  on  the  whole  people, 
the  responsibility  for  which  they  cannot  avoid. 

When  history  comes  to  pass  upon  this  Nation,  it  will  expose 
to  posterity  a  people  claiming  to  be  just  and  free  and  brave,  to 
be  enlightened  and  humane,  to  be  foremost  in  the  race  of  life, 
yet  for  generations,  without  ceasing,  committing  on  a  brave,  but 
weak  and  defenceless  race,  cruelties  without  name  and  perfidies 
without  number.  Only  prompt  and  ample  reparation  can  avert 
the  lasting  stain  of  a  severe  but  righteous  judgment. 

A  CONTRAST. 

Is  a  contrast  needed  ?     It  is  at  hand. 

In  Canada,  since  the  American  Revolution,  there  have  been 
no  Indian  wars,  no  massacres,  no  ruined  settlements.  The  In 
dians  are  loyal  to  the  Crown.  Why  is  this? 

The  Canadian  Government  fulfils  its  plighted  faith,  gives  the 
Indian  personal  rights,  protects  him  by  wise  laws,  and  its  Indian 
service  is  not  the  spoil  of  partisanship.  Its  agents  are  fitted  for 
their  work,  they  hold  office  practically  during  good  behavior, 
and  the  result  has-  been  peace  and  prosperity,  both  to  the  Indians 
and  the  settlers.* 

THE  PUBLIC  CONSCIENCE. 
In  order  to  remedy  that  accumulation  of  cruelty  and  wrong 

*  Canada  has,  relatively,  more  room,  more  game  and  fewer  Indians  than  the  United 
States.  The  problem  there  is  now  simpler.  But,  when  the  United  States  was  in  the  con 
dition  in  which  Canada  now  is,  the  Indians  were  treated  no  better  than  they  are  at 
present. 


6  THE  PUBLIC  CONSCIENCE. 

called  the  Federal  Indian  policy,  the  public  conscience  must  be 
awakened.  For  a  century  it  has  slept,  for  generations  it  has 
known  these  evils  and  moved  not.  Within  a  few  years  there 
has  been  a  change  for  the  better.  The  atrocious  wrongs  of 
the  past  are  becoming  generally  known  and  deplored.  But  the 
public  conscience  has  not  yet  been  quickened  into  action.  It 
has  not  yet  even  determined  that  anything  can  be  done  much 
less  attempted  to  do  it.  The  greatest  obstacle  to  be  overcome 
and  the  cause  of  the  greatest  difficulty  in  solving  the  Indian 
problem  will  be  found  in  what  may  be  called  the  vis  inertia  of 
society.  The  evil  is  aggressive,  restless,  untiring,  the  good  is 
the  reverse. 

All  unite  in  condemning  the  shameless,  vacillating  "  policy  "  of 
the  Federal  Government,  but  in  the  same  breath  nearly  all 
exclaim  of  the  Indians,  nothing  can  be  done  for  them  !  They 
are  a  doomed  race !  Certainly  that  is  the  way  to  doom  them. 

The  well-meaning,  indolent,  average  respectable  citizen  is 
sure  that  it  is  all  very  bad  and  should  be  changed,  but  he  never 
dreams  that  the  way  to  change  is  to  change,  and  that  it  is  his 
duty  to  help  to  bring  about  that  change.  It  never  occurs  to 
him  that  he  individually  is  to  blame,  but  nevertheless  he  is.  Why 
he  should  be  called  upon  to  exert  himself  in  favor  of  this  re 
form  will  never,  unaided,  strike  his  mind  until  he  is  moved  from 
without.  The  invariable  "  why  should  we  do  this,"  or  "  let  the 
Government  attend  to  it,"  must  be  answered.  That  is  the 
object  of  this  paper.  The  individual  citizen  must  be  made 
to  understand  his  personal  duty,  his  responsibility  must  be 
brought  home  to  him  that  he  may  be  active  for  good,  and 
thus  help  to  force  the  Government  to  do  right.  There  is  only 
one  way  to  bring  about  this  result.  The  public  must  know 
the  truth  and  its  conscience  must  be  thoroughly  aroused. 

In  1861,  Secretary  Stanton  well  said: — "If  you  came  to 
Washington  to  tell  us  that  our  Indian  system  is  a  sink  of  iniquity 
and  a  disgrace  to  the  nation,  we  all  know  it.  This  govern 
ment  never  reforms  an  evil  until  the  people  demand  it.  When 
the  hearts  of  the  people  are  touched  these  evils  will  be  reformed 
and  the  Indians  will  be  saved." 


POPULAR  ERRORS. 


POPULAR  ERRORS. 

Before  proceeding  further  in  the  subject,  it  is  important  to 
refute  certain  popular  errors  which  must  be  eradicated,  in  order 
to  properly  understand  and  appreciate  the  Indian  situation. 

INDIAN  POPULATION. 

There  are  over  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  In 
dians  in  the  United  States  exclusive  of  those  in  Alaska.  They 
are  not  dying  out  nor  are  they  decreasing  in  numbers,  and  the 
tribes  which  are  most  civilized  are  steadily  increasing  in  popu 
lation  and  wealth.  On  this  point  all  the  best  recent  authorities 
agree.  Bancroft  (chap.  XXII, vol ,  3),  in  his  history  of  the  United 
States,  estimates  that  the  maximum  Indian  population  east  of 
the  Mississippi  and  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Great 
Lakes  was,  in  the  early  part  of  the  17th  Century,  not  over 
180,000.  Prof.  Seelye,  of  Amherst  College,  has  lately  written  :  * 
"  The  present  number  of  Indians  in  the  United  States  does  not 
exceed  three  hundred  thousand,  but  is  possibly  as  large  now  as 
when  the  Europeans  began  the  settlement  of  the  North  Amer 
ican  Continent.  Different  tribes  then  existing  have  dwindled 
and  some  have  become  extinct,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  the  vast  territory,  now  occupied  by  the  United  States,  if 
not  a  howling  wilderness,  was  largely  an  unpeopled  soli 
tude." 

Col.  Garrick  Mallery,  in  a  recent  paper,  has  considered  this 
question  much  in  detail,  f  On  the  general  question  of  Indian 
population,  he  says :  "  The  conclusions  submitted  are  that  the 
native  population  of  the  territory  occupied  by  the  United  States 
at  its  discovery  has  been  wildly  over-estimated,  that  while  many 


*  Preface  to  "  Century  of  Dishonor"  1881. 

f  "  Former  and  Present  Number  of  Our  Indians,"  published  in  proceedings  of 
"  American  Association  for  Advancement  of  Science."  Nashville  Meeting,  18.7, 
voL  xxvi,  p.  340-66. 


8  POPULAR  ERRORS— POPULATION. 

of  its  component  bodies  have  diminished  or  been  destroyed  by 
oppression  and  violence,  their  loss  has  been  in  large  part  com 
pensated  by  gain  among  others,  that  the  '  blight'  and  '  with 
ering/  or  ferae  naturae  theory,  is  proved  absolutely  false,  and 
that  though  some  temporary  retrogradation  must  always  be  ex 
pected  amongst  individual  tribes  at  the  crises  of  their  transition 
from  savagery  or  barbarism  to  more  civilized  habits ;  yet  now 
the  number  of  our  Indians  is  on  the  increase  and  will  naturally 
so  continue  unless  repressed  by  causes  not  attributable  to  civili 
zation,  but  to  criminal  mis-government,  until  their  final  absorp 
tion  into  the  wondrous  amalgam  of  all  earth's  peoples  which  the 
destiny  of  this  country  may  possibly  effect." 

Col.  Mallery  treats  the  subject  in  considerable  detail  and 
gives  the  most  reliable  statistics  by  way  of  comparison  with 
the  wild  over-estimates  by  various  writers  of  the  population  of 
a  number  of  the  principal  tribes.  Some  of  the  estimates  may 
be  useful  here. 

SEMINOLES. 

Take  the  case  of  the  Semiiioles.  In  1822,  Sprague  estimated 
them  at  3899.  In  1834,  a  Committee  of  Congress  reported 
their  numbers  at  5000.  In  1835,  President  Jackson  calculated 
the  number  of  warriors  at  400.  This  would  make  the  popula 
tion  2000.  In  the  same  year  the  Secretary  of  War  stated  the 
number  of  warriors  to  be  750,  or  3500  souls  in  all. 

Now,  whatever  their  numbers  may  have  been,  it  is  a  very 
striking  and  impressive  commentary  on  Indian  affairs  to  reflect 
that  this  tribe  for  seven  years  defied,  in  Florida,  the  whole 
force  of  the  Federal  Government.  Nearly  every  regular  regi 
ment  was  at  one  time  or  another  engaged  in  this  war,  besides 
marines  and  sailors.  In  addition  to  all  this,  it  seems  almost  in 
credible,  yet  is  nevertheless  true,  that  nearly  50,000  volunteers 
at  different  times  and  for  different  terms  of  service,  took  part 
in  the  struggle.  During  its  continuance,  in  a  Congressional  de 
bate  on  the  authority  of  a  General  officer,  their  warriors  were 
said  to  be  2000,  making  a  total  population  of  10,000.  Doubt- 


I 

POPULAR  EEEOES— POPULATION.  9 

less,  this  was  to  counter-balance  the  unpalatable  facts,  that 
$30,000,000  were  expended  and  3000  lives  lost  in  this  contest. 

In  1876  the  Seminole  population  was  as  follows  : 
In  Indian  Territory,  2,553 

Everglades,  475 

On  reservations,  2,000 

Total,  5,028 

Besides  many  others  emigrated  to  Mexico. 

Col.  Mallery  considers  President  Jackson's  estimate  about 
right  and  adds :  "  With  all  the  losses  of  two  wars,  those  re 
maining  in  the  United  States  have,  in  forty  years,  more  than 
doubled  in  numbers." 

THE  Sioux. 

In  1736,  the  French  estimated  the  Dakota  Sioux  at  12,000. 
In  1766,  Captain  Carver  thought  them  not  so  numerous.  In 
the  year  1847,  Schoolcraft  considered  the  population  to  be 
21,000. 

In  1876,  on  the  authority  of  the  Indian  Commission,  the 
Dominion  Bureau  and  the  reports  of  army  officers,  Col.  Mal 
lery  says  :  "  The  actual  strength  of  the  Sioux  Confederacy  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  cannot  be  less  than  50,000.  If 
the  French  were  right  in  1736,  this  body  has  quadrupled  in 
140  years.  Without,  however,  relying  on 

any  comparison  of  estimates,  it  is  enough  to  quote  the  report 
of  the  missionaries,  who  have  lived  continuously  for  the  last 
half  century  among  the  Sioux,  that  they  have  increased  one- 
third  during  that  time." 

IROQUOIS. 

The  Iroquois — first  called  the  "Five"  and  afterwards  the 
"  Six"  nations — a  representative  body  of  Indians,  according  to 
Dr.  Lewis  H.  Morgan,*  numbered  in  1650,  not  less  than  25,000. 
Yet  the  same  author  afterwards  f  expressed  the  opinion,  that  the 


*  "  League  of  the  Iroquois.' 
t "  Ancient  Society." 


10  A)PULAR  ERRORS— POPULATION.  v 

entire  Indian  population  of  New  York,  did  not,  at  any  time, 
exceed  that  number.  In  the  year  1677,  Wcntworth  Green- 
halgh  made  a  kind  of  census  of  the  Iroquois  and  found  them 
to  number  2150  warriors,  or  10,750  souls  in  all. 

In  1763,  Sir  William  Johnson  estimated  them  at  2330  war 
riors,  or  11,650  all  told.  According  to  the  United  States  offi 
cial  reports  for  the  year  1877,  they  numbered  6715,  while  for 
1876,  the  Canada  reports  show  6953,  making  a  total  in  the 
United  States  and  Canada  of  13,668,  thus  showing  a  small  in 
crease  in  numbers. 

CHEROKEES. 

Of  this  tribe,  it  is  said,  that  no  accurate  census  was  ever 
made  until  1809,  when  they  were  found  to  number  12,395. 
The  Indian  Bureau  reports  showed  their  population  in  1876  to 
be  21,072,  notwithstanding  their  great  losses  during  the  rebel 
lion. 

CONFUSING    NOMENCLATURE. 

Colonel  Mallery  suggests,  that  the  exaggerated  population 
theory — both  as  to  original  numbers  and  subsequent  decrease — 
is,  to  a  great  extent,  due  to  the  numerous  aliases  of  some  tribes. 
On  this  point  he  says :  "  Besides  the  name  by  which  each  tribe 
called  itself,  its  several  neighbors  on  all  sides  gave  it  one  wholly 
different,  and  as  met  by  the  Spanish,  French  and  English,  a  new 
title  was  either  independently  coined,  or  one  of  those  first  en 
countered,  adopted  or  translated  with  ever- vary  ing  pronuncia 
tion  and  orthography,  so  as  soon  to  defy  the  recognition  of 
etymologists."  He  then  gives  the  following  examples  : 

The  Mohawks  were  called  also,  Anies,  Agniers,  Agnierrhon- 
ons,  Sankhicans,  Conungas,  Mauguawogs,  Makwaes  and  Gan- 
eagaonhoh. 

The  Oneidas  were  also  known  as,  Oneotas,  Onoyats,  Anoy- 
ints,  Onneiouts,  O-na-yote-ka-o-no  and  Onorochrhonous. 

The  Senacas  were  also  named  Sinnikes,  Chennissies,  Genes- 
sees,  Chenendoanes,  Tsonnontouans,  lenontowanos  and  Nun- 
dawaronoh. 


'  POPULAR  ERRORS— HOSTILES  vs.  CRIMINALS.  \\ 

Doubtless  the  reader  is  now  satisfied  that  the   Indian  race  is 
not  dying  out. 


THE  PROPORTION  OF  MARAUDING  INDIANS. 

Since  the  inauguration  by  General  Grant,,  of  the  "  Peace 
Policy,"  the  number  of  Indians  marauding  has  at  no  time 
exceeded  a  few  hundred,  and  sometimes  has  been  reduced  to 
a  very  inconsiderable  number.  It  will  doubtless  startle  most 
readers  to  know  that,  taking  the  average  of  the  last  ten  .years, 
the  percentage  of  marauding  Indians  to  the  entire  Indian  pop 
ulation  has  been  less  than  the  percentage  of  the  criminal  classes 
in  prisons,  reformatories  and  houses  of  correction  to  the  entire 
population  in  municipalities  both  here  and  abroad. 

It  is  difficult  to  obtain  exact  statistics,  particularly  in  the 
n  the  United  States,  in  an  accessible  form,  but  notwithstanding 
all  the  influences  of  Church  and  State,  and  all  the  civilizing 
agencies  of  these  great  centres  of  population,  it  is  very  clear- 
that  in  lawlessness  the  odds  are  greatly  in  favor  of  the  Indians. 

During  the  period  mentioned  the  average  of  marauding  In 
dians  has  been  less  than  one  out  of  every  thousand  ! 

Compare  this  with  civilization's  criminal  statistics. 

Take  Philadelphia,  for  instance. 

Its  population  is  under  900,000.  If  it  had  no  greater  ratio 
of  criminals  than  the  Indians  have  of  marauders,  the  number 
would  not  exceed  900. 

But  what  are  the  facts  ? 

On  September  30th,  1880,  Philadelphia  had  nearly  2,400 
criminals — young  and  old,  great  and  small — in  actual  confine 
ment  !  * 

Who  can  estimate  the  number  at  larg-e  ? 


*  Eastern  Penitentiary  (from  Philadelphia  County),  about         -  500 

County  Prison  (convicts  and  awaiting  trial)    -----  584 

House  of  Correction        -_..------  887 

House  of  Refuge 398 

Total, 2,369 


12  POPULAR  ERRORS— HOSTILES  vs.  CRIMINALS. 

The  police  of  that  city  compose  a  force  of  1,277  men,  and  they 
are  kept  busy  watching  those  criminals  who  are  not  incarcer 
ated. 

If  there  be  only  two  criminals  at  large  for  each  policeman — 
or  to  state  it  in  another  way,  if  there  be  only  oue  criminal  out 
for  each  one  mjail — the  number  would  exceed  4,800,  or  more  than 
Jive  in  every  thousand  who  are  marauding  against  society  as  far 
as  they  are  able,  taking  into  consideration  the  respective  oppor 
tunities  of  the  Indians  and  of  the  civilized  criminals.  For  this 
difference  must  be  borne  in  mind.  When  ah  Indian  tribe  be 
comes  hostile,  it  finds  itself  in  most  cases  almost  in  a  state  of 
nature  with  no  serious  barrier  to  excesses.  The  municipal 
criminal,  however,  is  so  hedged  in  by  the  endless  guards  which 
society  has  erected  for  protection,  that  his  opportunities  are  very 
limited  in  comparison  with  the  almost  absolute  freedom  in  which 
a  hostile  Indian  at  first  finds  himself. 

In  New  York,  and  some  other  places,  the  criminal  population 
is  greater  than  in  Philadelphia. 

On  this  question  an  English  writer  gives  some  curious  details 
of  crime  in  nine  municipalities.  *  In  most  of  these  places  it 
will  be  observed  that  the  proportion  of  criminals  is  much 
greater  than  in  Philadelphia.  Viewed  in  the  light  of  these  facts, 
how  inexcusable  it  is  (even  for  those  who  are  totally  devoid  of 
moral  sense)  to  advocate  the  extermination  of  the  Indians  on 
account  of  the  insignificant  number  on  the  war-path ! 

This  subject  is  referred  to  by  Secretary  Schurz,  in  his  report 
for  1879,  page  4.  In  it  he  uses  this  language  :  "  It  is  believed 


*In  the  "History  of  Crime  in  England,"  by  L.  Owen  Pike,  p.  672  (1876),  the  following 
curious  table  is  given : 

"Order  of  criminality  in  nine  representative  towns  [1871-3)  as  illustrated  by  indictable 
offenses,  giving  the  number  of  inhabitants  to  each  indictable  offence." 

1.  Manchester,  one  to  each  84  of  the  population. 

2.  Liverpool,       "       "       128       " 

3.  Birmingham, "       "       196       " 

4.  Durham'          "       "       208 

5.  New  Castle  on  Tyne,  one  to  each  263  of  he  population. 

6.  Metropolis,  (P.  D.)  "  292 

7.  Wolverhampton,  "  325 

8.  Sheffield,  "  363 

9.  Bristol,  "  645 


PROPORTION  OF  MARAUDING  INDIANS.  13 

by  many  that  the  normal  condition  of  the  Indians  is  turbulence 
and  hostility  to  the  whites ;  that  the  principal  object  of  an  In 
dian  policy  is  to  keep  the  Indians  quiet ;  and  that  they  can  be 
kept  quiet  only  by  the  constant  presence  and  pressure  of  force." 
This  is  an  error.  "  Of  the  seventy-one  Indian  agencies  there  are 
only  eleven  which  have  military  posts  in  their  immediate  vicinity 
and  fourteen  with  a  military  force  within  one  to  three  days 
march." 

"  Of  the  252,000  Indians  in  the  United  States  there  have  been 
since  the  pacification  of  the  Sioux,  at  no  time,  more  than  a  few 
hundred  in  hostile  conflict  with  the  Whites.  Neither  does  it 
appear  that  such  partial  disturbances  have  been  provoked  by  the 
absence,  or  prevented  by  the  presence  of  a  military  force.  Of 
the  four  disturbances  which  have  occurred  within  the  last  two 
years,  three  broke  out  in  the  immediate  presence  of  such  mili 
tary  force,  and  only  one  without  it.  At  this  moment  (1879) 
a  band  of  less  than  800  Utes  and  another  of  150  Indian 
marauders  in  New  Mexico,  in  all  less  than  1,000  in  an  Indian 
population  of  a  quarter  of  a  million,  are  causing  serious 
trouble." 

"  In  fact,  the  number  of  white  desperadoes  who  were  within  the 
past  twelve  months  banded  together  in  New  Mexico  for  murder 
and  rapine  was  larger  than  that  of  the  Indians  recently  on  the 
war-path  in  the  southern  part  of  the  Territory.  While  I  am 
by  no  means  disposed  to  belittle  the  deplorable  nature  of  the 
Indian  disturbances  or  the  great  value  of  a  military  force  in 
suppressing  them,  it  is  but  just  to  the  Indians  to  point  out 
the  important  fact  that  disturbance  and  hostility  is  the  except 
ion,  and  peaceable  conduct  the  rule;  that  a  very  large  majority 
of  Indian  reservations  are  in  a  condition  of  uninterrupted  quiet 
without  the  presence  of  coercing  force,  and  the  equally  signifi 
cant  experience  that  the  more  civilized  an  Indian  tribe  becomes 
the  more  certainly  can  its  peaceable  and  orderly  conduct  be 
depended  upon.  The  progress  of  civilization  and  the  mainte 
nance  of  peace  among  the  Indians  have  always  gone  hand  in 
hand." 

In  this   connection  it  may  be  well  to  consider  the  last  report 


14  POPULAR  ERRORS— INDIAN  CIVILIZATION. 

of  the  Judge  Advocate  General  of  the  Army  wherein  it  appears 
that  in  a  force,  all  told  of  under  25,000  men,  no  less  than 
2,182  offenders  were  convicted  by  Courts  Martial.  This  would 
make  a  ratio  of  over  eight  in  a  thousand.  Yet  the  Army  pro 
poses  to  civilize  the  Indians  !  Later  on,  will  be  seen  what  the 
Army  has  done  in  this  direction. 

INDIANS  CAPABLE  OF  CIVILIZATION  AND  SELF- 
GOVERNMENT. 

Not  only  do  accomplished  facts  show  that  the  Indians  are 
capable  of  civilization  and  self-government,  but  the  whole 
history  of  the  human  race  refutes  the  idea  that  any  body  of 
men  can  be  so  wild  and  intractable  as  to  be  incapable  of  sub 
jection,  civilization  and,  finally,  of  some  form  of  self-government. 
This  point  needs  no  elaboration.  History  is  full  of  instances 
of  people,  as  savage  and  more  so  than  any  Indians  now  on  the 
plains,  who  yet  have  been  civilized.  The  fault  is  not  with  the 
Indians,  but  with  the  Whites. 

INDIANS  COMPARED  WITH  THE  GERMANS  AND  HUNS. 
The  condition  of  the  Indians  of  this  generation  presents  no 
greater  obstacles  to  civilization  than  did  the  state  of  the  ancient 
Germans  in  the  time  of  Caesar  and  Tacitus.*  With  the  Ger 
mans  society  was  very  rude.  They  lived  by  hunting  and  pas 
turage,  and  subsisted  upon  flesh,  milk  and  cheese.  Agriculture 
was  despised  by  these  people.  The  Goths  and  Huns  entertained 
similar  ideas  and  lived  in  the  same  way.  What  little  authority 
was  possessed  by  any  one  was  vested  in  the  Chief  of  each  dis 
trict.  Their  functions  were  very  vague  and  depended  more  on 
their  personal  character  and  weight  than  on  the  customs  of  their 
people.f  Their  power  did  not  extend  to  great  matters,  which 
were  settled  by  an  assembly  of  the  whole  people.  In  war-like 
expeditions  none  were  compelled  to  engage,  they  being  composed 
wholly  of  volunteers ;  but  having  engaged  in  the  undertaking  it 
was  considered  infamous  to  fail  in  its  support.  The  power  of 
the  Chiefs  depended  on  their  ability  to  attract,  and  afterwards 

*  Csesar,  lib.  vi.,  c.  21,  22,  23.     Tacitus,  Mor.  Germ.,  c.  14, 15,  28. 
£,  f  See  this  comparison  pursued  in  some  detail  in  Robertson's  Charles  V.  note  6. 


POPULAR  ERRORS— INDIAN  CIVILIZATION.  15 

retain  the  assistance  of  war-like  adherents.  They  had  no  crim 
inal  jurisdiction,  as  this  would  have  interfered  with  the  dearest 
of  barbarian  rights,  that  of  private  revenge.  Each  free  man 
avenged  the  wrongs  of  his  family  or  frie'nds,  according  to  his 
own  desires.  Hereditary  feuds  were  common,  yet  in  the  case  of 
the  highest  crimes  against  the  person — even  murder — the  wrath 
of  the  injured  party  might  be  appeased  by  gifts. 

In  every  one  of  these  particulars  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
coincidences  of  condition  between  the  Germans  and  Huns  and 
the  American  Indians  are  very  striking. 

THE  Six  NATIONS. 

At  a  very  early  period  the  Confederacy  of  the  Six  Nations 
had  established  a  system  of  government  well  suited  to  their 
wants.  Each  Nation  had  its  own  Council  for  the  enactment  of 
laws  for  the  Government  of  its  tribes,  and  in  addition  there  was 
constituted  a  general  Council  or  Congress  of  all  the  Nations, 
which  passed  laws  and  regulated  the  affairs  of  the  entire  Con 
federacy.  This  body  was  composed  of  representatives  of  the 
different  Nations  and  unanimous  consent  was  necessary  to  secure 
the  adoption  of  any  proposed  measure — surely  a  remarkably 
conservative  provision. 

INDIAN  CHARACTER. 

Indeed  so  far  from  the  North  American  Indians  presenting  any 
peculiar  obstacles — more  than  other  savages — to  their  success 
ful  civilization  they,  on  the  contrary,  have  many  qualities  that 
tend  to  lighten  the  task.  Bishop  Whipple  who  has  given  so 
many  years  of  his  life  to  their  welfare,  thus  describes  them  :  * 
"  The  North  American  Indian  is  the  noblest  type  of  a  heathen 
man  on  the  earth.  He  recognizes  a  Great  Spirit,  he  believes  in 
immortality,  he  has  a  quick  intellect,  he  is  a  clear  thinker,  he  is 
brave  and  fearless,  and,  until  betrayed,  he  is  true  to  his 
plighted  faith ;  he  has  a  passionate  love  for  his  children  and 
counts  it  a  joy  to  die  for  his  people,  but  our  most  terrible  wars  have 
been  with  the  noblest  types  of  the  Indians  and  with  men  who 
had  been  the  white  man's  friend.  Nicolet  said  the  Sioux  were 

*  Preface  to  "  Century  of  Dishonor." 


16  POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 

the  finest  type  of  wild  men  he  had  ever  seen.  Old  traders  used 
to  say  that  it  was  the  boast  of  the  Sioux  that  they  had  never 
taken  the  life  of  a  white  man." 

Colonel  Mallery  speaking  of  the  Cherokees  says  :  * 
"  The  Cherokee  Legislature  would  be  a  good  school  in  deco 
rum  and  common  sense  for  our  House  of  Kepresentatives ;  and 
some  of  the  reservations  for  observance  of  law,  interest  in 
education,  and  ^success  in  useful  industries,  compare  favorably 
with  our  white  frontier  population.  There  is  nothing  excep 
tional  in  the  character  of  the  Cherokee  or  Iroquois  to  account 
for  his  emerging  from  the  perishing  class  to  assumed  prosperity. 
Portions  of  the  fierce  Dakotas  and  the  haughty  Sahaptims  have 
shown  the  same  adaptability.  If  they  can,  so  all  can.  At  any 
points  where  the  race  is  now  degraded  and  diminishing,  it  is  not 
from  an  irrepressible  conflict  with  civilization,  but  with  civiliza 
tion's  local  and  Washington  representatives." 

"  Neither  from  views  of  their  physiological,  religious  or 
psychological  characteristics,  should  they  be  regarded  as  an  ex 
ceptional  or  abnormal  part  of  the  human  race  or  so  treated  in 
our  national  policy.  Only  those  legislators  and  officials  who  are 
prepared  to  encourage  downright  murder,  can  neglect  their  duty 
under  the  Satanic  consolation  of  the  convenient  extinction 
doctrine.  With  continued  injustice,  more  Sitting  Bulls  and 
Chief  Josephs  driven  into  the  last  refuge  of  despair,  will  re 
quire  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure  which  simple  truth 
and  honesty  would  not  only  prevent,  but  would  preserve,  re 
claim  and  elevate  a  race  entrusted  to  our  national  honor  which 
may  readily  and  with  no  long  delay  become  a  valuable  element 
in  our  motley  community." 

CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 

In  considering  the  progress  which  has  already  been  made  by 
tho  Aborigines — whether  the  five  civilized  tribes  or  the  reser- 

*"FOKMEK  AND  PRESENT  NUMBER  OP    OUR  INDIANS. 

(From,  proce  edings  of  American  Association  for  Advancement  of  Science, 
Nashville  Meeting,  August,  1877)  vol.  xxvi.  p.  340-66.  Printed  at  the  Salem  Press, 
July,  1878.)  page  365. 


POPULAR  ERRORS—  CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 


17 


vation  Indians  are  taken  for  examples — all  alike,  though  in  dif 
ferent  degrees,  demonstrate  Indian  civilization  and  self-govern 
ment  to  be  but  a  questions  of  time  and  opportunity.  It  is  not  in_ 
tended  here  to  go  into  any  great  detail  of  statistics,  but  simply  to 
touch  on  the  salient  points. 

Taking  the  entire  Indian  population — in  the  Territory  and  on 
reservations — it  will  startle  most  readers  to  know — 

That  more  than  half  the  entire  number  now  wear  citizens' 
clothes. 

That  there  is  one  house  for  every  ten  Indians. 

That  they  have  sixty  boarding-schools. 

That  they  have  one  school  for  every  850  of  population. 

That  nearly  one-fourth  of  the  children  go  to  school. 

That  about  one-sixth  can  read. 

That  nearly  $400,000  per  annum  of  their  own  money  is  spent 
by  the  Indians  for  school  purposes. 

Some  details  of  production  (for  1878)  may  be  useful  here.* 

A  remarkable  instance  of  Indian  capacity  was  presented  by 
Sequoyah,  a  Cherokee,  who  in  1820,  invented  an  alphabet  for 


*  FIVE  CIVILIZED  TEIBES. 


Acres  cultivated,     -        -  245,000 

Bushels  Wheat,   -        -  -  494,000 

Corn,          -        -  2,642,000 

"        Oats  &  Barley,  -   201,000 

"        Vegetables,  -       -  320,000 

Tons  of  Hay,       -        -  -  116,500 


Horses, 
Mules, 
Cattle, 
Hogs, 
Sheep,  - 


-  40,000 

4,750 

-  236,000 
173,000 

-  25,000 


OTHER  TRIBES. 


Acres  cultivated,  - 

"     new  land  broken, 
Bushels  Wheat,    - 
Corn,  - 

Oats  &  Barley, 
"        Vegetables,  - 
Tons  of  Hay, 
"     Melons,  - 
"      Pumpkins,  - 
Fencing  (rods), 
Allotments  of  land  to  full 

blooded  Indians, 
Horses,  ... 

Mules,        - 


22,319 
266,100 
971,303 
172,697 
315,585 
36,943 
-    193 
697 
124,056 

2,351 
176,766 
4,479 

Hogs,            ....    27,671 
Sheep,       ....      510,674 
Lumber  sawed  (feet),    -        8,100,630 
Cords  of  wood  cut,    -        -      132,888 
Shingles,       ...        -  200,600 
Maple  Sugar  (Ibs.)    -        -      387,000 
Wild  Eice  gathered  (Ibs)     -  146,000 
Woolen  Blankets  and  Shawls 
made,    -                                    17,000 
Willow  Baskets,  -        -        -       2,530 
Cords  of  Hemlock  Bark  peeled,  3,800 
Wool  sold  (Ibs.)  -        -        -  211,000 
Fish  sold  (bbls.)     -          -          3,600 

18  POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 

his  native  tongue.  It  is  composed  of  86  letters,  or  rather  syl 
lables.  That  number  of  sounds  in  endless  transposition  com 
prise  the  language.  It  is  said  that  it  may  be  learned  in  an  in 
credibly  short  time. 

WORK. 

The  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  in  his  annual  report  in 
1879,  writes  :  "  It  is  no  longer  a  question  whether  Indians  will 
work;  they  are  steadily  asking  for  opportunities  to  do  so,  and 
the  Indians  who  to  day  are  willing  and  anxious  to  engage  in 
civilized  labor  are  largely  in  the  majority.  There  is  an  almost 
universal  call  for  lands  in  severalty,  and  it  is  remarkable  that 
this  request  should  come  from  nearly  every  tribe  except  the  five 
civilized  tribes  in  the  Indian  Territory.  There  is  also  a  growing 
desire  among  Indians  to  live  in  houses,  and  more  houses  have 
been  built  and  are  now  in  the  course  of  erection  than  have  been 
put  up  during  any  previous  year.  The  demand  for  agricultural 
implements  and  appliances,  and  for  wagons  and  harness  for 
farming  and  freighting  purposes,  is  constantly  increasing,  and  an 
unusual  readiness  to  wear  citizens'  clothing  is  also  manifested." 

In  a  speech  delivered  in  Brooklyn,  March  15th,  1881, 
ex-Secretary  Schurz  said:  "Two  thousand  freighting  wag 
ons  are  now  being  run  by  Indians.  They  are  honest,  faithful 
and  efficient.  On  the  plains  of  Dakota  these  Indian  freighters 
have  often  suffered  from  hunger  but  never  opened  a  cracker-box." 
In  the  same  speech  he  mentioned  the  case  of  an  Indian — inaptly 
named  Don't-know-how — who  started  a  store  in  1878  with  $25, 
and  is  now  worth  §2,000.  The  Secretary  added  that  since  his 
accession  of  wealth  this  late  Aborigine  calls  himself  "D.  K. 
How!" 

EESERVATION  INDIANS. 

The  voluminous  testimony  taken  before  the  Joint  Congres 
sional  Committee  of  1879  presents  a  very  full  accouut  of  the 
actual  condition  of  the  various  tribes  at  the  present  time.  Al 
though  the  inquiry  was  principally  directed  to  the  consideration 
of  the  propriety  of  transferring — or  rather  re-transferring — 
the  Indian  Bureau  to  the  War  Department,  the  whole  subject  of 


POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS.  19 

Indian  affairs  was  more  or  less  inquired  into.  The  evidence 
shows  a  most  remarkable  advance  in  civilization  in  the  past  few 
years.  Some  details  will  be  found  instructive. 

YAKIMA  AGENCY. 

An  interesting  account  of  the  progress  of  these  Indians  in 
civilization  is  given  by  Agent  Wilbur.  They  were  taken 
from  the  war-path  in  1856  and  gathered  upon  the  Agency 
in  1864.  They  were  then  very  poor.  Agent  Wilbur 
went  amongst  them  in  1866  as  Superintendent  of  In 
struction.  They  had  never  plowed  or  sowed,  and  "  there  was 
no  working  amongst  them."  They  were  in  the  habit  of  getting 
rations  without  work.  He  altered  this  and  made  work 
practically  compulsory.  As  he  expressed  it :  "  My  prac 
tice  has  been  to  have  the  Indians  work  if  they  wanted  food, 
and  if  they  were  unwilling  to  work  to  let  them  go  hungry. 
When  they  would  work,  however,  they  would  commence  very 
awkwardly,  and  make  a  man's  bones  ache  to  see  them  shovel 
and  hoe,  or  hold  the  plow,  yet  they  would  go  to  work  and  do 
what  they  could  to  get  into  the  habit  of  work  and  to  become 
more  experienced,  and  they  got  paid  for  it.  We  have  been  in 
the  habit  for  years  of  making  them  work  for  everything  they 
got,  food  and  clothing,  and  so  on.  We  issue  nothing  unless  it 
be  to  the  sick  and  needy  of  the  Agency."  The  contrast  in  these 
Indians  between  1856  and  1879  is  emphasized  by  statistics  as 
given  by  the  agent.  * 

*  The  Indians  number  3700.    Their  property  is  as  follows : 

4,000  head  of  cattle,  worth $60,000 

7,000  horses  worth 255,000 

10,000  acres  of  land,  under  fence,  worth      -          -                    -  80,000 
6,000       "            "        with  horses  and  barns  and  other 

improvements,  worth        ------  48,000 

50  wagons,  worth        -------  3,000 

100  sets  of  harness,  worth 1,500 

They  raised  last  year  : 

42,000  bushels  of  grain,  worth         -  21,000 

500  tons  of  hay,  worth       -------  2,500 

300,000  feet  of  lumber,  worth 7,500 

8  houses,  built  during  season,  worth            ...          -  2,400 

1  barn             "                    "          at  station        -          -          -  1,000 

I  story  add6d  to  boarding-school,      -----  1,000 

300  cords  of  wood,  cut  and  hauled,           ....  900 

Total,          6434,800 


20  POPULAR  ERRORS—  CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 

The  Indians  here  built  a  steam  saw-mill  without  any  Gov 
ernment  aid,  with  money  received  by  them  from  stock-men  for 
grazing  cattle  for  them.  The  Indians  hauled  this  machinery 
sixty-five  mlies.  "This  mill  will  cut  1,000  feet  per  hour  of  fine 
lumber,  plane  8,000  feet  of  lumber,  and  make  15,000  shingles 
a  day.  The  whole  work  was  done  by  the  Indians  with  the  help 
of  only  two  white  men.  They  have  a  boarding-school  and  have 
houses  that  are  worth  from  $100  to  $500,  quite  a  number  of 
which  are  painted  outside,  and  in,  with  tables,  clocks  and  other 
furniture,  and  so  in  fact  they  are  living  like  white  people." 

The  most  important  fact  in  cannection  with  these  Indians  in  that 
no  troops  have  been  at  this  Agency  for  sixteen  years,  and  none 
now  (1879)  are  within  150  miles  of  it. 

COMPARATIVE  CONDITIONS. 

Before  the  same  Committee,  Barclay  White,  (for  several  years 
an  Indian  superintendent  and  special  agent  for  the  Society  of 
Friends,)  read  a  remarkable  paper,  showing  the  advance  in 
civilization  made  in  ten  years  by  several  tribes.  The  details 
are  given  in  parallel  columns,  so  that  the  contrast  may  be 
more  readily  seen. 

SANTEE  SIOUX  in  1868.  SANTEE  SIOUX  in  1878. 

Acres  of  land  cultivated,  340         Members    of  tribe  naturalized    as 

Log  houses  occupied,  65     citizens,    364.  All  these  Indians  wear 

Corn  raised  (bushels),  6,000     citizens'  dress.       They  have  an   in- 

No  wheat.  dustrial  boarding-school,  good  stone 

No  school  of  their  own.  water-power  flouring  mill.      All  the 

No  mill.  Indian  children  attend  school  part  of 

No  Indian  mechanics.  tlie  7ear-     Have  an  elective  Govern 

ment  instead  of  hereditary  Chiefs. 
Enough  crops  raised  to  feed  entire 
number.  The  Agency  clerk,  miller^ 
blacksmith,  teamster  and  herders  are 
all  Indians.  Nearly  all  belong  to 
some  Church.  300  read  English. 
1,000  acres  of  land  cultivated.  Lands 
allotted  in  severalty  by  certificate  of 
occupancy.  5  frame  houses.  119 
log  houses.  Generally  use  chairs, 
tables,  plates,  knives  and  forks. 


POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 


21 


WINNEBAGOES  in  1868. 
Then  this  tribe  was  governed  by  14 
hereditary  Chiefs  and  (except  50  per 
sons)  the  entire  tribe  lived  in  the 
timber  on  four  square  miles  of  land. 
10  acres  of  wheat  and  300  acres  of 
corn,  producing  6,000  bushels,  were 
all  they  cultivated.  Food  rations  were 
weekly  issued  to  them,  costing  over 
$25,000.  None  were  taught  trades. 
They  had  two  schools,  with  but  one 
teacher. 


WINNEBAGOES  in  1878. 
Now  the  tribe  elects  12  Chiefs  an 
nually.  The  tribe  is  self-supporting. 
No  rations  except  a  small  amount  of 
flour  to  induce  school  attendance. 
They  have  an  industrial  school  and 
three  day  schools ;  15  brick  buildings; 
25  brick  and  frame  buildings.  Their 
lands  are  allotted  in  severalty.  They 
raised  crops  as  follows : 

8,000  bushels  of  wheat, 
30,000    "        «    corn, 
1,000      "        "    oats, 
5,000      "        "    potatoes. 
They  nearly  all  wear  citizens'  clothes 
The  engineer,  blacksmith,  carpenter 
and  shoemaker  at  the  Agency  are  all 
Indians    and    they  have    numerous 
skilled  mechanics.    175  read  English. 


OMAHAS  in  1868. 
Governed  by  hereditary  Chiefs. 
Subsisted  on  corn-meal,  semi-annual 
buffalo  hunts  and  cash  annuities. 
They  cultivated  900  acres  of  land,  pro 
ducing  100  bushels  of  wheat,  20,000 
bushels  of  corn  and  500  bushels  of  po 
tatoes.  They  had  twenty  frame  and 
thirty  log  houses. 


OMAHAS  in  1878. 
The  population  has  increased  each 
year ;  lands  allotted  in  severalty ;  buf 
falo  hunts  abolished. 

2200  acres  cultivated, 
17,000  bushels  of  wheat, 
32,000     "         "      corn, 
1,200      "         "      oats, 


6,000 


potatoes. 


More  produced  than  the  people  re 
quired.  Two  day-schools  filled  with 
scholars.  No  furs  sold.  15  frame, 
and  80  log  houses.  135  read  English. 


PAWNEES  (Nebraska)  1868. 
The  tribe  lived  principally  on  semi 
annual  buffalo  hunts.  900  bushels  of 
wheat  grown  for  them  by  the  Govern 
ment.  No  farms— excepting  squaw 
patches.  65  children  reported  in 
school.  8  frame,  and  3  log  houses, 
nearly  all  occupied  by  white  em 
ployees. 


PAWNEES  (Indian  T'y.)  1878. 

They  have  one  stone  industrial 
boarding-school  for  80  pupils ;  2  day 
schools  with  103  scholars;  2  frame 
and  24  log  houses,  occupied  by  In 
dians.  960  acres  cultivated  by  the 
Indians,  produciug  8,000  bushels  of 
corn,  400  bushels  of  oats.  The  change 
of  climate  caused  a  loss  of  one-third 
of  their  tribe.  120  read  English. 


22 


POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 


OTTOES  and  MISSOURIAS,   1868. 

No  school. 

No  grain  raised. 

The    tribe    lived  by   semi-annual 
buffalo  hunts  and  cash  annuities. 


IOWAS,  1868. 

They  had  one  day-school.  The 
teacher  reported :  "  It  is  impossible  to 
advance  the  children  in  the  rudiments 
even  of  an  English  education,  to  any 
satisfactory  extent,  when  neither  tea 
cher  nor  pupil  can  make  themselves 
understood  except  it  be  through  the 
medium  of  an  interpreter." 

They  had  seven  frame  and  sixteen 
log  houses,  occupied  by  Indians.  No 
wheat,  3,000  bushels  of  corn  and  600 
bushels  of  potatoes. 

SACS  and  FOXES  of  Missouri,  1868. 
They  had  no  school  and  cultivated 
no  crops,  except  on  a  limited  number 
of  squaw  patches.  Their  subsistence 
was  principally  derived  from  the 
chase  and  proceeds  of  semi-annual 
payments  of  cash  by  the  Government. 


OTTOES  and  MISSOURIAS,  1878. 
One  industrial  boarding-school  with 
43  scholars.  500  acres  cultivated  by 
Indians;  produced  1,700  bushels  of 
wheat,  6,000  bushels  of  corn,  900 
bushels  of  oats,  800  bushels  of  pota 
toes.  They  raise  cattle  instead  of 
depending  on  hunting. 

IOWAS,  1878. 

One  industrial  boarding-school. 
Every  child  of  school  age  —  except 
one  — attended  some  time  during  the 
year.  750  acres  cultivated  by  them 
selves.  Many  families  have  fenced 
farms.  They  have  1,600  fruit  trees, 
300  grape  vines,  1,441  bushels  of 
wheat,  3,200  bushels  of  corn,  300 
bushels  of  potatoes. 


SACS  and  FOXES  of  Missouri,  1878. 
They  have  an  industrial  boarding- 
school.  Majority  of  children  of  school 
age  attend  school.  453  acres  culti 
vated  by  tribe.  Produce  399  bushels 
of  wheat,  8,000  bushels  of  corn,  446 
bushels  of  potatoes. 


YANKTON  Sioux,*  1880. 

"  We  have  no  jail,  no  law  except  the  treaty  and  the  agent's 
word,  yet  we  have  no  quarrels,  no  fighting,  and,  with  one  or  two 
exceptions,  not  a  single  case  of  drunkenness  during  the  year. 
This  I  consider  remarkable  when  we  take  into  consideration  the 
fact  that  the  reservation  is  surrounded  by  ranches  where  liquors 
of  all  kinds  can  be  obtained." 

Surely  no  unbiassed  reader  can  doubt  the  future  of  these 
tribes,  but  when  the  history  of  the  five  civilized  tribes  in  the 


*Extract  from  Report  quoted  in  "  Century  of  Dishonor.' 


POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS.  23 

Indian  Territory  is  considered,  it  will  be  shown  even  more 
clearly  that  the  Indians'  capacity  for  civilization  and  self-gov 
ernment  is  a  demonstrated  fact. 


RECENT  CANADIAN  STATISTICS. 

In  this  connection  some  extracts  from  the  report  of  the 
Dominion  Minister  of  the  Interior  1877,  will  be  found  of 
interest.  He  says,  p  1 1  :  "  The  moral  and  material  con 
dition  of  the  Indians  in  the  North-West  has  been  stead 
ily  and  surely  progressing  since  the  North- West  Territories 
were  included  in  the  Dominion.  The  Liquor  Law  and  the 
Mounted  Police  Force  have  together  succeeded  in  stamping  out 
almost  entirely  the  vice  of  drunkenness.  Crime  is  compara 
tively  rare.  The  irritation  and  distrust  which  existed  in  certain 
localities  or  among  particular  bands  of  Indians  have  been  re 
placed  by  an  almost  universal  feeling  of  contentment  and  grat 
itude  to  the  government  for  its  liberality  and  benevolence." 

Then  follows  an  "  instruction  "  the  adoption  of  which  would 
have  saved  many  wars  in  the  Territories. 

"  The  Commissioners  were  moreover  warned  against  making 
any  attempt  to  cause  any  violent  or  sudden  change  in  the  habits 
of  the  Indians,  or  to  divert  them  from  any  legitimate  pursuits 
and  occupations  in  which  they  might  be  profitably  engaged,  but 
rather  to  encourage  them  in  any  branch  of  industry  in  which 
they  were  so  employed"  (p.  16  same  report). 

"  The  traditional  policy  of  Canada  towards  the  Indians  has 
been  ever  such  as  to  secure  the  good  will  of  the  Indian  popu 
lation."  P.  17.  Speaking  of  the  successful  conclusion  of 
a  treaty  with  the  Blackfoot  and  Piegan  Indians  he  says: 
(t  The  conclusion  of  this  treaty  with  these  warlike  and  intract 
able  tribes,  at  a  time  when  the  Indian  tribes  immediately  across 
the  border  were  engaged  in  open  hostilities  with  the  United 
States  troops,  is  certainly  a  conclusive  proof  of  the  just  policy 
of  the  Government  -of  Canada  toward  the  aboriginal  population. 


24  POPULAR  ERRORS-CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 

It  is  known  that  many  persons  in  the  North- West  entertained 
grave  doubts  about  the  issue  of  the  negotiations,  and  on  the 
other  side  of  the  International  boundary  the  newspapers  did  not 
hesitate  to  predict  the  utter  failure  of  the  attempt." 

Speaking  of  the  Sioux  he  writes:  "Upon  the  whole  they 
(Manitoba  Sioux,)  appear  to  have  made  fair  progress  in  culti 
vating  the  land,  and  their  prospects  for  the  future,  had  they  the 
advice  and  assistance  of  some  good  farmer  for  a  few  years,  would 
be  encouraging.  Indeed,  the  Sioux  generally,  who  are  resident 
in  Canada,  appear  to  be  more  intelligent,  industrious  and  self- 
reliant  than  the  other  Indian  Bands  in  the  North-West.  They 
are  accustomed  to  rely  too  much  upon  the  Government  for  as 
sistance  and  direction  and  too  little  upon  their  own  industry." 
P.  19,  speaking  of  the  Fraser  Indians,  he  reports:  "Should 
they  continue  to  progress  as  they  are  now  doing,  the  Super 
intendent  states  that  he  has  reason  to  expect  that  in  the  course  of  a 
few  years  they  will  be  completely  self-sustaining  and  independent.' 
Page  21 :  "  As  an  evidence  of  the  industry  of  the  Indian  popu 
lation  generally,  it  is  mentioned  that  of  the  furs,  oils  and  cran 
berries  annually  exported  from  British  Columbia,  amounting  in 
the  aggregate  to  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  dollars,  almost 
the  whole  amount  is  due  to  Indian  labor." 

A  letter  of  Gilbert  Malcolm  Sproat,  Joint  Commissioner^ 
(printed  in  Interior  Department  Report,  1877,  p.  Ixxv.,)  speak 
ing  of  the  Indians  generally,  and  their  relations  with  the 
Whites,  says :  "  The  Commissioners  have  very  earnestly  and 
patiently  endeavored  to  solve  the  Indian  problem,  starting  from 
the  basis  of  things  as  they  are,  and  they  have  done  this  not  as 
philanthropists  or  as  legal  pedants,  but  as  practical  men  with 
broad  sympathies  and  firm  common  sense.  They  have  tried  to 
calm  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and  to  give  them  enough  but  not 
too  much  land  in  a  country  in  which  both  White  settlers  and  In 
dians  have  to  find  a  living  by  industry  and  civilized  pursuits. 
Where  questions  have  arisen,  the  laws  of  the  land,  modified 
reasonably  in  their  application  by  tender  regard  to  rural  customs, 
have  been  their  guide.  Any  other  principle  of  action,  though 
leading  perhaps  to  a  temporary  personal  popularity,  would  dis- 


POPULAR  ERRORS-CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS.  25 

appoint  the  public.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  the  Province  that  what 
adverse  critics  might  call  deliberate  aggressions  by  white  men  upon 
Indian  lands  have  been  rare,  Indian  encroachments  upon  the  lands 
of  white  men  have  been  more  common,  but  the  occurrence  of  these 
must  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  existing  circumstances.  There 
have  been  some  mistakes  and  small  encroachments,  both  by  In 
dians  and  White  men ;  but  in  these  cases  generally,  it  has  been 
sufficient  to  point  out  the  facts  and  the  laws  by  which  the  parties 
must  be  guided." 

On  May  1,  1880,  the  Canadian  Indians  were  removed  from 
the  control  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior  and  placed  under 
the  new  Department  of  Indian  Affairs — the  same  minister,  how 
ever,  being  at  the  head  of  the  new  department.  It  was  organ 
ized  under  an  Act  passed  in  1880.  * 

The  total  Canadian  Indian  population  is  105,690,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  one-third  of  the  number  in  the  United  States. 


*  The  following  statistics  (1880)  are  very  encouraging : 
Indian  population  on  reserves, 

Acres  of  land  cultivated,    -          -          -  73,789 

New  land  made  tillable  in  1879-80,  acres,  1,893 

Houses  or  huts  owned  by  Indians,      -  7,032 

Barns  or  stables,  ....  2,688 

Ploughs,  -.-                     -                               .  2,092 

Harrows,      -  1,582 

Wagons,  -  1,386 

Fanning  mills,      -          -  347 

Threshing  mills,        ...  43 

Other  implements,  -        11,677 

Horses, 12,855 

Cows, 7,227 

Sheep, 2.081 

Pigs,    -  7,711 

Oxen, 1,230 

Young  stock,           ........  3^50 

Corn  raised,  bushels,   -------  62,528 

Wheat,  -         65,689 

Oafs,  85,346 

Peas,    -  26,882 

Barley,      -  17,796 

Rye, 5,546 

Buckwheat,        -  5,046 

Potatoes,        -  -       152,577 

Hay,  tons,  -        -  12.907 

Value  of  fish  caught,      ...  -     $137.282 

Furs  sold,           -                                                        -  .       -           -  $  95,120 

Other  industries, "...  $372,075 


26  POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS. 

Considerable  progress  was  reported  in  various  tribes  in  agricul 
ture,  the  Government  having  sent  farm  instructors  to  the 
Northwest  -Territories.  The  Indians  are  relieved  and  helped 
but  all  able  bodied  men  are  compelled  to  work  for  the  food  given 
to  them  and  their  families.  Habits  of  industry  and  self-support 
are  thus  forcibly  inculcated.  Notwithstanding  the  popular  belief 
that  an  Indian  could  not  be  turned  into  a  farmer,  the  farm  in 
structors  met  with  gratifying  success.  At  Bud's  Tail  Creek, 
Assiniboin  Sioux  Reserve,  nearly  every  family  has  a  house  and 
lives  on  the  reserve  all  the  year,  having  raised  crops  sufficient 
for  their  support.  Cutting  timber,  and  building  houses  and 
fences  engages  much  Indian  labor.  The  Government  proposes 
using  Indian  labor  in  the  construction  of  a  portion  of  the  Ca 
nadian  Pacific  Railway ! 

The  educational  statistics  show  that  during  the  year  1880-81, 
3474  Indians  attended  school.  The  salaries  paid  to  teachers 
were  very  low,  varying  generally  from  $100  to  $400  per  annum. 
Reading,  writing,  spelling,  arithmetic,  grammar,  geography, 
history  and  Scripture  are  taught.  In  some  cases  also  instruc 
tion  is  given  in  music,  singing  and  drawing.  The  children  are 
irregular  in  attending  the  schools,  owing  in  part  to  the  absence 
of  families  from  the  reserves  on  fishing  and  hunting  expeditions. 
On  this  subject  the  Superintendant  General  says : — "  The  In 
dian  youth,  to  enable  him  to  cope  successfully  with  his  brother 
of  white  origin,  must  be  dis-sociated  from  the  prejudicial  influ 
ences  by  which  he  is  surrounded  on  the  reserve  of  his  band. 
And  the  necessity  for  the  establishment  more  generally  of  insti 
tutions,  whereat  Indian  children,  besides  being  instructed  in  the 
usual  branches  of  education,  will  be  lodged,  fed,  clothed,  kept 
separate  from  home  influences,  taught  trades  and  instructed  in 
agriculture,  is  becoming  every  year  more  apparent."  The  re 
port  expressing  the  following  views  on  tribal  government : — 
"Convinced  of  the  desirability  of  introducing,  as  soon  as  In 
dian  bands  are  prepared  for  it,  a  better  system  for  manag 
ing  their  local  affairs  than  the  one  which  at  present  prevails 
among  them,  under  which  the  chiefs  (who  in  many  cases  are 
hereditary,  and  therefore  may  or  may  not  fairly  represent  the 


POPULAR  ERRORS— CIVILIZATION  STATISTICS.  27 

intelligence  of  the  band)  control  such  matters,  the  department 
despatched  a  circular  to  the  various  Indian  superintendents  and 
agents,  calling  upon  them  to  report  whether  the  bands  under 
their  supervision  were  sufficiently  enlightened  to  justify  the  con 
clusion  that  the  inauguration  of  a  simple  form  of  municipal 
government  among  them  would  be  attended  with  success.  From 
the  majority  of  its  officers  who  have  replied  to  the  circular  the 
reports  received  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Indian  bands 
within  their  respective  districts  are  not  sufficiently  advanced  in 
intelligence  for  the  change.  An  attempt  will,  however,  be  made 
at  an  early  date  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  more  advanced  bands 
to  the  establishment  of  some  such  system.  It  is  thought  that  a 
council,  proportionate  in  number  to  the  population  of  the  band, 
elected  by  the  male  members  thereof,  of  twenty-one  years  and 
over,  and  presided  over  by  a  functionary  similar  to  the  reeve  of 
a  township,  might  answer  the  purpose ;  or,  in  its  initiatory  stage, 
the  council  might  be  presided  over  with  better  results  by  the 
local  Indian  superintendent  or  agent.  The  matters  upon  which 
this  elective  body  should  pass  by-laws,  subject  to  confirmation  by 
Your  Excellency  in  council,  should  embrace  the  making  of  line 
fences,  ditches  and  roads,  the  prevention  of  trespass  by  cattle,  the 
preservation  of  order  on  the  reserve,  the  repression  of  vice,  etc." 
Owing  to  the  prevalence  of  small-pox,  a  general  vaccination 
will  be  enforced  by  the  government.  In  the  matter  of  the  de 
crease  of  buffalo  and  increase  of  whiskey,  the  Dominion  Govern 
ment  feels,  in  a  measure,  the  same  evils  with  which  the  United 
States  has  to  cope. 


28  THE  FIVE  CIVILIZED  TRIBES 


THE  FIVE  CIVILIZED  TEIBES. 

They  are  the  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Choctaws,  Chickasaws 
and  Seminoles,  who  live  in  the  Indian  Territory. 
Their  title  to  the  territory  and  their  absolute 
rights  therein  will  first  be  considered,  and  then  some  sta 
tistics  will  be  given,  showing  them  to  be  now  civilized  and  in 
the  present  absolute  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty  and  property, 
under  their  own  government,  without  any  assistance  therein 
from  either  the  civil  or  military  agents  of  the  United  States. 

THE  INDIAN  TERRITORY. 

HISTORICAL    REVIEW — THE   INDIAN    TITLE    TO    LANDS   AND 
ABSOLUTE   RIGHT    OF   SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

In  1830  Congress  set  apart  the  Indian  Territory  as  a  perma 
nent  home  for  such  tribes  as  might  be  induced  to  leave  the 
States  and  live  there.  The  Territory  thus  begun  now  contains 
the  five  civilized  tribes  viz:  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Choctaws, 
Chickasaws  and  Seminoles,  numbering  over  sixty  thousand 
people,  and  some  twenty  other  tribes  and  bands  with  a  popula 
tion  of  eighteen  thousand,  the  total  population  thus  equalling 
seventy-eight  thousand. 

The  lands  occupied  by  the  five  civilized  tribes  in  the  In 
dian  Territory  are  not  the  gift  of  the  Federal  Government. 
They  were  bought  and  paid  for  by  these  Indians  partly  for 
cash,  and  partly  by  exchange  for  other  lands  in  Georgia,  North 
Carolina  and  other  States.  For  their  lands  in  the  Indian  Ter 
ritory,  the  tribes  received  patents  in  fee-simple  from  the  United 
States  which  are  recorded  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 
They  were  urged  to  make  this  exchange  and  thus  purchase 
their  new  home,  both  by  the  persuasion  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment  and  by  the  ruder  and  more  aggressive  measures  pur 
sued  in  Georgia  and  the  other  States,  within  which  they  were 
then  living. 


INDIAN  TERRITORY—  SELF-GOVERNMENT.  29 

The  greatest  inducement  of  all  held  out  to  them  was  that 
they  should  be  forever  free  from  the  jurisdiction  of  any 
State  or  Territory  and  should  forever  have  the  right  of  self- 
government.  The  United  States  engaged  to  protect  them  in 
all  these  rights  forever. 

THE  CHOCTAWAS  AND  CHICKASAWS. 

The  treaty  of  1830  with  the  Choctaw  nation  provides  that  the 
Federal  Government  shall  "  cause  to  be  conveyed  to  the  Choc- 
taw  nation,  a  tract  of  country  west  of  the  Mississippi  river  in 
fee-simple  to  them  and  their  descendants,  to  inure  to  them  while 
they  shall  exist  and  live  on  it."  It  was  also  provided  that 
"  the  government  and  people  of  the  United  States  are  hereby 
obliged  to  secure  to  the  Choctaw  nation  of  red  people  the 
jurisdiction  and  government  of  all  the  persons  and  property 
that  may  be  within  their  limits,  so  that  no  Territory  or  State 
shall  have  a  right  to  pass  laws  for  the  government  of  the  Choc 
taw  nation,  of  red  people  and  their  descendants,  and  that  no 
part  of  the  land  granted  them  shall  ever  be  embraced  in  any 
State  or  Territory." 

In  1855  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Choctaws  and  Chicka- 
saws  which  provided  that,  "the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws 
shall  be  secured  in  the  unrestricted  right  of  self-government 
and  full  jurisdiction  over  persons  and  property  within  their 
respective  limits."  Similar  provisions  will  be  found  in  other 
treaties  with  the  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Chickasaws,  Choctaws  and 
Seminoles.  These  treaties  have  frequently  been  passed  upon  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

CHEBOKEE  NATION. 

In  the  treaty  of  1835  with  the  Cherokee  nation  is  the 
following  provision :  "  The  United  States  hereby  cove 
nant  and  agree  that  the  lands,  ceded  to  the  Cherokee  nation  in 
the  foregoing  article,  shall  in  no  future  time,  without  their  con 
sent,  be  included  within  the  territorial  limits  or  jurisdiction  of 
any  State  or  Territory.  But  they  shall  secure  to  the  Cherokee 


30  INDIAN  TERRITORY—  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

i: ut ion  the  right,  by  their  national  councils,  to  make  and  carry 
into  effect  all  such  laws  as  they  may  deem  necessary  for  the 
government  and  protection  of  the  persons  within  their  own 
country,  belonging  to  their  people  or  such  persons  as  have  con 
nected  themselves  with  them." 

CREEKS  AND  SEMINOLES. 

In  the  treaty  of  August,  1856,  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Creeks  and  Semiuoles,  this  provision  is  contained: 
"  The  United  States  do  hereby  solemnly  agree  and  bind  them 
selves  that  no  State  or  Territory  shall  ever  pass  laws  for  the 
government  of  the  Creek  or  Seminole  tribes  of  Indians,  and 
that  no  portion  of  either  of  the  tracts  of  country  defined  in  the 
first  and  second  articles  of  this  agreement,  shall  ever  be  em 
braced  or  included  within  or  annexed  to  any  Territory  or  State, 
nor  shall  either  or  any  part  of  either  be  erected  into  a  Territory 
without  the  full  and  free  consent  of  the  legislative  authority  of 
the  tribe  owning  the  same." 

SUPREME  COURT  DECISIONS. 

In  the  case  of  Cherokee  Nation  vs.  the  State  of  Georgia  (5 
Peters  1),  the  Supreme  Court  held  that  the  "acts  of  the  govern 
ment  plainly  recognized  the  Cherokee  nation  as  a  State,  and 
courts  are  bound  by  these  acts." 

Again,  in  the  case  of  Worcester  vs.  State  of  Georgia  (6  Peters, 
p.  515),  that  court  held  that  "the  Indian  tribes  are  distinct  in 
dependent  political  communities." 

SENATE  JUDICIARY  COMMITTEE. 

As  late  as  December  14,  1870,  the  Judiciary  Committee  of 
the  United  States  Senate  made  a  report,  in  which  they  use 
the  following  language : 

"  Volumes  of  treaties,  Acts  of  Congress  almost  without  num 
ber,  solemn  adjudications  of  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  Republic 
and  the  universal  opinion  of  our  statesmen  and  people  have 
united  to  exempt  the  Indian — being  the  member  of  a  tribe  re- 


INDIAN  TEREITOEY—  SELF-GOVERNMENT.  31 

cognized  by  and  having  treaty  relations  with  the  United  States — 
from  the  operation  of  our  laws  and  the  jurisdiction  of  our  courts. 
Whenever  we  have  dealt  with  them,  it  has  been  in  their  collec 
tive  capacity  as  a  State  and  not  with  their  individual  members, 
except  when  such  members  were  separated  from  the  tribe  to 
which  they  belonged,  and  we  have  asserted  such  jurisdiction  as 
every  nation  exercises  over  the  subjects  of  another  independent 
sovereign  nation  entering  its  territory  and  violating  its  laws." 

OKLAHAMA  BILL. 

During  the  rebellion  a  great  portion  of  the  civilized  Indians 
entered  the  Confederate  service.  After  the  war  new  treaties 
were  made.  The  rebels  and  the  loyal  Indians  were  treated  alike — 
all  were  declared  to  have  forfeited  the  protection  of  the  United 
States  and  the  right  of  self-government.  A  determined  effort 
was  then  made  to  establish  a  territorial  form  of  government  for 
Indian  Territory.  This  was  strenuously  opposed  by  all  the  five 
tribes.  Finally  in  1866  new  treaties  were  made  by  which  the 
United  States  again  recognized  these  five  tribes  as  separate  and 
distinct  political  communities.  The  conclusions  arrived  at  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  these  tribes  were  formulated  in 
Article  XII.  of  Cherokee  treaty ;  Article  VIII.  of  Choctaw 
and  Chickasaw  treaty ;  Article  X.  of  Creek  treaty  and  Article 
VII.  of  the  Seminole  treaty  ;  and  by  them  the  political  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  these  five  tribes  remained  sub 
stantially  unchanged.  A  General  Council  of  the  Territory  was 
provided  for,  and  the  Indians  agreed  to  form  a  Confederation 
amongst  themselves  with  a  General  Council  composed  of  rep 
resentatives  of  all  the  confederated  tribes,  and  no  organic 
changes  wrere  to  be  made  without  the  consent  of  the  tribes  to  be 
affected. 

The  Cherokee  treaty  points  out  the  method  (See  Art.  XII,  Sec. 
3, treaty  of  1866).  "Nor  shall  said  General  Council  legislate 
upon  matters  other  than  those  above  indicated.  Provided, 
however,  that  the  legislative  power  of  such  General  Council 
may  be  enlarged  by  the  consent  of  the  National  Council  of 


32  INDIAN  TERRITORY— OKLAHAMA  BILL. 

each  nation  or  tribe  assenting  to  its  establishment  with  the 
approval  of  the  President  of  the  United  States." 

In  September  1870  the  General  Council,  to  avoid  confusion, 
passed  a  resolution  adopting  the  Cherokee  treaty  as  its  organic 
law.  Since  then  more  than  twenty  tribes  have  joined  the  con 
federation. 

Finally  in  1879  the  House  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs 
after  reviewing  'the  legal  status  of  the  Indian  Territory, 
reported  against  a  bill  to  establish  therein  a  territorial  govern 
ment.  They  use  the  following  language :  "  After  a  careful, 
thorough  and  impartial  consideration  of  the  subject,  we  find,  in 
view  of  the  peculiar  relations  to  the  Government  sustained  by 
the  people  therein,  no  authority  which  will  justify  but,  on  the 
contrary,  we  find  much,  in  the  many  treaties  with  the  Indians 
occupying  and  owning  that  Territory,  in  acts  of  Congress  vest 
ing  and  guaranteeing  certain  rights  and  immunities  to  them  and 
in  opinions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  inter 
preting,  defining  and  sustaining  the  same,  which  expresssly  for 
bids,  the  legislation  proposed." 

PRESENT  CONDITION  OF  THE  FIVE  CIVILIZED  TRIBES. 

A  consideration  of  the  actual  condition  of  these  people  will 
present  some  astonishing  facts  to  the  reader  and  will  thoroughly 
convince  him  that  Indian  civilization  is  a  demonstrated  fact. 

All  of  these  Indians  dress  like  the  whites. 

They  all  live  in  houses. 

The  number  of  houses  exceeds  sixteen  thousand,  being  more 
than  one  house  to  every  four  inhabitants. 

In  1879  they  built  twenty-seven  hundred  houses,  or  about  one 
to  every  twenty-two  of  the  population. 

They  have  nearly  two  hundred  schools  supported  by  their 
own  money  and  without  pecuniary  aid  from  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment. 

Twelve  of  these  are  boarding-schools. 

The  capacity  of  the  schools  is  for  eight  thousand  children. 

Over  six  thousand  do  actually  attend  school. 


INDIAN  TERRITORY—FIVE  CIVILIZED  TRIBES.         33 

It  may  be  said  that  their  schools  afford  accommodation 
for  all  children  of  school  age.  Both  in  accommodation 
and  attendance,  these  figures  compare  very  favorably  with 
New  York  and  Philadelphia.  In  neither  of  these  cities 
can  it  be  said  that  the  public  school  accommodation  is 
equal  to  the  whole  number  of  children  of  school  age,  and 
in  neither  does  the  actual  public  school  attendance  equal  six- 
eighths  of  the  entire  number  as  in  the  case  of  the  five  civilized 
tribes.  In  1879  they  spent  $156,000  for  educational  purposes 
and  the  only  contribution  of  the  United  States  was  $3,500  for 
schools  for  freedmen.  In  this  connection,  it  may  be  well  to 
mention  that  the  five  tribes  were  extensive  slave  owners.  They 
not  only  eventually  emancipated  all  their  slaves,  but  also  gave 
them  ample  lands  for  their  support.  Of  the  whole  number  of 
Indians  in  these  five  tribes,  more  than  one-half  are  able  to  read. 
They  have  also  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  churches. 

LOCAL   SELF-GOVEENMENT. 

Each  of  the  civilized  tribes  enjoys  complete  autonomy.  Their 
political  situation — in  so  far  as  protection  to  life  and  property  at 
the  smallest  cost  and  least  encroachment  on  individual  rights  and 
prejudices  is  concerned — will  compare  very  favorably  with  that 
of  any  State  in  the  Union.  Their  institutions  are  suitable  to 
their  condition,  and  congenial  to  their  ideas  and  habits.  They 
differ  in  detail,  but  in  the  main  features  resemble  the  Gov 
ernments  of  the  States.  The  Executive,  Legislative  and  Ju 
dicial  functions  are  separate  and  distinct,  and  answer  very  well 
the  objects  of  their  institution.  Some  details  concerning  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  Cherokee  Nation  will  be  interesting  and  will 
give  a  general  notion  of  the  Government  of  the  civilized  tribes. 
They  cannot  fail  to  impress  the  reader  very  vividly  with  the 
reality  of  Indian  civilization. 
3 


34       INDIA*  TERRITORY— CHEROKEE  GOVERNMENT. 


THE  CHEROKEE  GOVERNMENT. 

This  tribe  has  a  written  constitution. 

EXECUTIVE. 

The  Executive  power  is  vested  in  a  "  Principal  Chief."  He 
approves  the  laws,  nominates  delegates  to  Washington,*  sheriffs 
and  other  officials  (subject  to  confirmation  by  the  Senate),  and 
in  many  other  respects  his  functions  are  very  like  those  of  a 
State  Governor.  There  is  also  an  Executive  Council  to  assist 
the  Principal  Chief.  The  Executive  may  also  prefer  charges  of 
impeachment,  which  are  tried  by  the  Council.  Pending  trial 
the  Executive  may  suspend  the  official. f 

The  "  National  Solicitors  of  the  several  Districts" — the  same 
as  "  District  Attorneys" — are  from  time  to  .time  instructed  and 
directed  in  their  duties  and  their  conduct  supervised  by  official 
orders,  directly  emenating  from  the  Principal  Chief.  It  would  be 
well  if  State  Governors  exercised  similar  functions.  The  duties 
of  these  officers  are  pointed  out  in  carefully  drawn  statutes. 
Bids  for  public  work  and  supplies  are  advertised  for  and  con 
tracts  made  with  the  lowest  responsible  bidder. 

*The  following  communication  announces  the  confirmation  of  an  appointment: 

No,  4.— SENATE  CHAMBER,  TALEQUAH,  C.  N.,  Nov.  15th,  1879. 
Hon.  D.  W.Bushyhead,  Principal  Chief,  C.  N.: 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  your  nomination  of  R.  M.  French,  for  the  office 
of  High  Sheriff,  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient 
servant,  S.  H.  BENGE,  President  of  Senate,  pro  tem. 

J.  L.  SPKINGTON,  Clerk  of  Senate. 

fFinding  of  the  Council  in  an  Impeachment  case.  It  will  be  noticed  that  official  eti 
quette  is  strictly  observed  in  the  relations  between  the  different  Departments  of  the  Gov 
ernment. 

No.  3.— COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  Nov.  14th,  1879. 
Hon.  D.  W.  Bushyhead,  Principal  Chitf,  C.  X. : 

SIR:— I  have  the  honor  to  report  you  for  the  information  of  your  Department  that  the 
charges  against  the  Hon.  J.  L.  Adair  transmitted  from  your  Department  to  the  Council 
Branch  of  the  National  Council,  charging  the  said  John  L.  Adair  with  malpractice  in 
office,  for  which  he  was  suspended  from  office  (as  member  and  Secretary  of  the  Board 
of  Education)  by  Ex-Chief  Charles  Thompson,  I  would  state  that  the  charges  have  been 
fully  and  carefully  examined  by  the  Council,  and  that  we  have  failed  to  find  evidence  to 
implicate  the  Hon.  John  L.  Adair  with  malpractice  in  office  as  charged.  Therefore  by  a 
majority  vote  of  Council  Branch  of  the  National  Council,  said  charges  have  not  been 
sustained,  and  the  Hon.  John  L.  Adair  acquitted  of  the  charges  preferred. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
D.  R.  HICKS,  Clerk  of  Council.  OSIE  HAIB,  Speaker  of  Council. 


INDIAN  TERRITORY— CHEROKEE  GOVERNMENT.         35 
LEGISLATURE. 

The  Legislature  is  called  the  "  National  Council/'  and  is  di 
vided  into  two  bodies.  One  is  called  the  "  Senate/7  and  is  pre 
sided  over  by  an  officer  styled  a  "  President ; "  the  other  branch 
is  called  the  "  Council ; "  and  has  a  "  Speaker."  Both  bodies  have 
"  clerks/'  and  the  entire  legislative  machinery  is  the  same  as  in 
the  States. 

The  laws  are  published  "  by  authority  "  in  the  official  news 
paper,  called  "  The  Cherokee  Advocate,"  printed  at  Tahlequah, 
the  capital  of  the  Cherokee  Nation.  This  paper  is  published 
weekly  in  English  and  Cherokee,  and  is  free  to  all  who  read 
only  the  Cherokee  tongue. 

The  National  Council  has  general  legislative  powers.  When 
an  act  is  passed  by  the  Council  it  is  messaged  to  the  Senate  (or 
vice  versa)-,  either  body  concurs  or  lion-concurs  or  amends,  as  the 
case  may  be,  and  communicates  its  action  to  the  other  body 
through  formal  written  messages  by  their  respective  clerks.*  The 
National  Council  elects  in  Joint  Convention  the  Supreme  Judge, 
National  Treasurer,  Executive  Council,  Auditor  of  Accounts,  etc. 

Amongst  the  statutes  passed  by  the  National  Council  will  be 
found  penal  laws  which  accurately  define  criminal  offences  and 
provide  for  their  punishment.  Also  laws  regulating  the  different 
branches  of  the  Government  and  the  rights  and  duties  of  citizens 
towards  each  other  and  the  Cherokee  Nation.  Numerous  permit 
and  license  laws  are  passed  and  generally  all  the  usual  legislation 
of  the  States.  Private  laws  are  enacted  conferring  citizenship 
or  giving  other  privileges  to  the  persons  named  therein.  The 

*  RETURN  OF  JOINT  CONVENTION. 

No.  1,  SENATE  CHAMBER, 

TAHLEQUAH,  C.  N. 
November  lith,  1879. 
Hon.  D,  W.  Bushyhead,  Principal  Chief  C.  N. : 

SIR  :  1  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  following  named  persons  were 
duly  elected  in  joint  session  of  the  National  Council,  to  fill  th6  different  offices, 
which  appointments  vest  in  the  National  Council,  to  wit :  John  Landrum,  Su 
preme  Judge ;  D.  W.  Lipe,  National  Treasurer ;  Johnson  Spade,  Daniel  Red  Bird, 
Chas.  H.  Armstrong,  Executive  Council;  E.  C.  Boudinot,  Editor  of  Advocate,  Cor 
nell  Bodgers,  Auditor  of  Accounts. 

I  am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  H.  BENGE,  President  Senate,  pro  ten 
J.  L.  SPRINGSTON,  Clerk  Senate. 


36         INDIAN  TERRITORY— CHEROKEE  GOVERNMENT. 

National  Council  also  provides  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
Government  by  regular  appropriation  bills. 

JUDICIARY. 

There  is  a  Supreme  Court  and  also  local  Circuit  or  District 
Courts,  which  have  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  with  an  appeal 
to  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  National  Cherokee  Government  is  represented  by  Dis 
trict  Solicitors,  and  individual  suitors  by  attorneys  admitted  to 
practice.  The  decrees  of  the  Courts  are  executed  and  some  other 
local  administrative  functions  are  performed  by  the  Sheriffs, 
whose  advertisements  of  "  Sales  at  the  Court  House"  and  other 
official  matters,  must  be  quite  lucrative  to  the  Government 
f<  organ." 

The  local  Courts  issue  letters  testamentary  and  of  adminis 
tration,  appoint  guardians  and  generally  have  the  functions  usu 
ally  appertaining  to  Courts  of  Probate. 

Coroners  inquire  into  sudden  and  violent  deaths  and  Grand 
Juries-  make  presentments  and  prefer  bills  of  indictment  against 
criminals,  who  are  confined  in  the  national  jail. 

ELECTIONS   AND   CITIZENSHIP. 

The  elections  are  held  under  carefully  prepared  laws,  which 
also  define  the  powers  of  the  persons  to  be  elected.* 

*  PROCLAMATION. 

SPECIAL  ELECTION. 

WHEREAS,  Official  notice  of  the  death  of  J.  Walker  Daniels,  member  of  the  Senate 
branch  of  the  National  Council  from  Delaware  District.  C.  N.,  and  Ross  T.  Carey,  Clerk 
of  Delaware  District,  C.  N.,  has  been  received,  THEREFORE, 

Be  it  known  to  all  whom  it  may  concern  that  I,  D.  W.  Bushyhead,  Principal  chief  of 
the  Cherokee  Nation,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  in  me  vested  by  law,  do  hereby,  in  the 
name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  Cherokee  Nation  issue  this  my  proclamation,  ordering 
that  a  Special  Election  be  held  in  Delaware  District,  C.  N.,  on  the  second  Monday  (10th 
day)  in  the  month  of  May,  1880,  for  the  purpose  of  electing  one  member  to  the  Senate 
branch  of  the  National  Council,  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  that  office,  caused  by  the  decease 
of  the  late  Hon.  J.  Walker  Daniels,  and  the  term  of  which  office  will  expire  on  the  first 
Monday  in  November  1881. 

As  also  for  the  purpose  of  electing  one  clerk  for  Delaware  District,  C.  N.,  to  fill  the 
vacancy  in  that  office,  caused  by  the  decease  of  the  late  Ross  T.  Carey,  clerk,  etc.,  and 
the  term  of  which  office  will  expire  on  the  third  Monday  irr  November,  1881.  And  di 
recting  the  present  temporary  clerk  of  said  Delaware  District  to  give  such  notice 
thereof  as  the  law  requires,  in  accordance  with  chapter  VIII,  art.  I,  revised  code  of  laws, 


INDIAN  TERRITORY— CHEROKEE  GOVERNMENT.        37 

Citizenship  is  sometimes  conferred  by  special  act  of  the 
legislature.  In  other  cases  the  applicant  must  first  have  his 
claims  examined  by  the  Commissioners  on  Citizenship,  who  are 
nominated  and  appointed  by  the  Principal  Chief  subject  to  the 
confirmation  of  the  Senate.  The  care  thus  shown  by  the 
Cherokees  in  the  matter  of  citizenship,  presents  a  marked  con 
trast  to  the  loose  methods  prevalent  in  the  States. 

Under  the  Constitution  a  decennial  census  is  taken. 

SCHOOLS — MISCELLANEOUS. 

The  schools  are  governed  by  a  Board  of  Education  which 
appoints  teachers.  They  keep  regular  books,  minutes  of  pro 
ceedings,  regulate  text-books,  and  all  other  matters  connected 
with  the  administration  of  the  schools.  There  are  primary 
and  high  schools  or  advanced  seminaries  for  boys  and  girls. 
There  are  one  hundred  and  two  schools  and  two  high  schools, 
and  an  Indian  University  school,  also  Sunday  schools  and 
singing  schools.  There  is  an  orphan  asylum,  and  one  for  blind 
and  insane  persons,  aged,  infirm  and  unfortunate  generally. 
These  are  supported  from  regular  appropriations  made  by  the 
National  Council. 

MEDICAL   BOARD. 

A  Medical  Examining  Board,  appointed  by  the  Principal 
Chief,  meets  at  the  Capitol,  Tahlequah,  on  the  second  and 
fourth  Wednesday  of  each  month.  There  are  many  places  in 
the  East  where  such  a  Board  would  be  a  great  public  boon. 


and  the  said  district  clerk  is  hereby  notified,  and  required,  to  do  such  things  as  the  iaw 
directs  for  the  holding  of  such  an  election :  Herein  Jail  Not. 

In  testimony  whereof,  1  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the  seal  of  the 
Cherokee  Nation  to  be  affixed  at  Tahlequah,  C.  N.,  on  this  16th  day  of  April,  A.  D.,  1880. 
[Seal.]  D.  W.  BUSHYHEAD, 

Principal  Chief. 
By  the  Principal  Chief. 
WM.  F.  RASMUS,  Ass't  Exec.  Sec'y,  C.  N. 


38  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— THE  SIOUX. 


SHAMEFUL  RECORD  OF  THE  FEDERAL 
GOVERNMENT. 

Gen.  Harney  once  testified  before  a  Congressional  Committee  : 
"  I  have  lived  on  this  frontier  fifty  years,  and  I  have  never 
known  an  instance  in  which  war  broke  out  between  us  and 
these  tribes  that  these  tribes  were  not  in  the  right."  Indeed  it 
cannot  be  denied  that,  for  bold,  unblushing  fraud,  for  a  total 
disregard  of  repeated  promises,  for  alternate  weakness,  cruelty 
and  treachery,  the  Federal  Indian  record  beggars  description. 
The  coarse  moral  fibre  of  the  government  officials  has  only 
beensurpassed  by  a  lack  of  the  remotest  trace  of  moral  per 
ceptions  on  the  part  of  the  border  settlers,  and  to  this  must  be 
added  long  years  of  total  indifference  in  the  whole  nation.  The 
record  is  shameless  to  the  last  degree.  Even  some  of  the  gen 
eral  officers  of  the  regular  army  have  covered  themselves  and 
their  country  with  infamy  by  their  active  participation  in  (or 
effusive  laudation  of)  some  of  the  most  cold-blooded,  treach 
erous  and  cowardly  massacres,  which  disgrace  the  annals  of  the 
nation.  History  will  pillory  their  names. 

If  the  reader  is  indisposed  to  credit  this  statement,  let  him 
read  the  details  which  will  now  be  given,  showing  some  of  the 
salient  points  in  the  Indian  record  of  the  last  thirty  years. 

Sioux  WAR,  1852-3  -4. 

It  seems  incredible,  yet  it  is  nevertheless  a  perfectly  well 
authenticated  fact,  that  this  war  was  brought  about  through 
the  loss  of  a  cow  by  a  Mormon  emigrant.  An  emigrant  train 
was  going  through  the  Sioux  country  to  Utah.  A  cow  be 
longing  to  these  people  was  lost  and  found  by  the  Indians,  who 
killed  and  ate  it.  These  Indians  were  living  in  perfect  peace 
and  no  trouble  whatever  existed  concerning  them.  When  the 
Mormons  discovered  what  had  become  of  the  cow,  they  preferred 
a  formal  complaint  to  the  officer  in  command  at  Fort  Laramie, 
A  lieutenant  and  a  few  men  were  sent  to  demand  a  return  of 


SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— THE  SIOUX.  39 

the  cow.  These  Indians  offered  to  pay  for  it,  but  the  indiscreet 
officer  refused  to  accept  this  fair  proposal  and  demanded  the 
surrender  of  the  one  who  had  taken  the  cow.  This  demand 
the  Indians  professed  not  to  be  able  to  comply  with.  It  seems 
almost  impossible  to  believe  it,  yet,  without  further  parley  or 
other  provocation,  the  word  was  given  to  fire  and  the  chief 
was  killed.  The  troops  were  immediately  surrounded,  and 
every  man  instantly  slain.  This  began  a  war  which  lasted 
nearly  three  years,  and  cost  hundreds  of  soldiers'  lives.  The 
government  spent  $40,000,000  in  this  disgraceful  conflict,  and 
when  it  was  over  its  relations  with  the  Indians  were  more  un 
favorable  than  when  it  was  begun. 

LATER  Sioux  HISTORY. 

The  subsequent  history  of  the  Sioux  is  best  given  in  the 
Keports  of  Peace  Commissions,  1868-76.  "In  1851,*  the 
vast  emigration  to  California  across  the  Indian  Territory 
made  a  new  treaty  necessary.  This  was  made  at  Fort  Lar- 
amie  in  September,  1851,  between  the  United  States  and 
Sioux  or  Dakotas,  the  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  Crows,  As- 
sinaboines,  Gros  Ventres,  Mandans  and  Arickarees,  residing 
south  of  the  Missouri  River  and  east  of  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains,  and  north  of  the  boundary  lines  of  Texas  and  New  Mex 
ico.  This  treaty  establishes  and  confirms  peaceful  relations;  the 
Indians  agree  to  abstain  from  all  hostilities  against  each  other. 
They  concede  to  the  United  States  the  right  to  make  military  or 
other  roads  across  their  territory,  and  they  agree  to  make  full 
restitution  for  any  wrongs  committed  by  them  upon  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States  while  passing  through  their  territories. 
The  Government  agrees  to  pay  to  these  Indians  the  annual  sum  of 
$50,000  for  fifty  years.  TJie  Senate  amended  the  appropria 
tion  by  limiting  it  to  ten  years.  This  amendment  was  never 
submitted  to  the  Indians!  They  believed  that  the  original 
treaty  was  in  force.  *  *  It  is  believed  that 

this  was  the  cause  of  the  Powder  River  war." 

*  Report  of  the  Sioux  Commission,  1876,  in  appendix  to  Report  of  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  for  187G,  p.  334-347. 


40  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— THE  SIOUX. 

The  conflicts  growing  out  of  the  bad  faith  shown  in  this 
matter,  led  to  the  formation  of  a  Government  Commission  com 
posed  of  Generals  Sherman,  Harney,  Terry,  and  Augur,  and 
.several  civilians.  They  reported  that  the  government  was  the 
cause  of  the  war. 

They  say  :  "  If  the  lands  of  the  white  man  are  taken,  civi 
lization  justifies  him  in  resisting  the  invader.  Civilization 
does  more  than  this — it  brands  him  as  a  coward  and  a  slave  if 
he  submits  to  the  wrong.  Here  civilization  made  its  own  com 
pact  and  guaranteed  the  rights  of  the  weaker  party.  It  did  not 
stand  by  the  guarantee.  The  treaty  was  broken,  but  not  by 
the  savage.  If  the  savage  resists,  civilization,  with  the  Ten 
Commandments  in  one  hand  and  the  sword  in  the  other,  de 
mands  his  immediate  extermination.  That  he  goes  to  war  is 
not  astonishing.  He  is  often  compelled  to  do  so.  Wrongs  are 
borne  by  him  in  silence  that  never  fail  to  drive  civilized  men 
to  deeds  of  violence.  Among  civilized  men  war  usually  springs 
from  a  sense  of  injustice.  The  best  possible  way,  therefore,  to 
avoid  war  is  to  do  no  act  of  injustice.  When  we  learn  that  the 
same  rule  holds  good  with  the  Indians,  the  chief  difficulty  is  re 
moved.  But  it  is  said  that  our  wars  with  them  have  been  al 
most  constant.  Have  we  been  uniformly  unjust  ?  We  answer 
unhesitatingly,  ( yes.'  r' 

This  commission,  after  full  consultation  with  the  Indians  and 
the  government,  made  another  "  new  treaty."  It  guaranteed 
the  right  of  the  Indians  to  hunt  in  the  Powder  River  country, 
pledged  aid  to  the  nomadic  Indians,  and  also  made  provision 
for  those  who  remained  on  reservations,  to  help  them  to  become 
self-supporting.  This  treaty,  after  full  discussion,  was  ratified 
by  the  Senate  and  approved  by  the  President. 

In  November,  1868,  General  Haruey,  a  member  of  the 
Commission  which  made  this  treaty,  then  in  charge  of  the 
Sioux  Indians,  reported  :  "  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  with  the 
success  which  has  attended  the  commencement  of  this  work, 
and  can  unhesitatingly  declare,  that,  to  secure  perpetual  peace 
with  the  Sioux  Indians,  it  is  only  necessary  to  fulfill  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  made  by  the  peace  commission." 


SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— THE  SIOUX.  4J 


Notwithstanding  this  favorable  report  of  General  Harney, 
the  following  unjust  and  arbitrary  order  was  issued  on  June  29, 
1869,  by  General  Sheridan:  "All  Indians,  when  on  their 
proper  reservations,  are  tinder  the  exclusive  control  and  juris 
diction  of  their  agents  ;  they  will  not  be  interfered  with  in  any 
manner  by  the  military  authority  except  upon  requisition  of  the 
special  agent  resident  with  them,  his  superintendent,  or  the 
Bureau  of  Jndian  Affairs  at  Washington.  Outside  the  well- 
defined  limits  of  the  reservation,  they  are  under  the  original 
and  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  military  authority,  and  as  a 
rule  will  be  considered  hostile." 

This  wanton  and  brutal  order  of  Gen.  Sheridan  was  in  direct 
violation  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  which  recognized  theright^  »**, 
of  these  Indians  to  hunt  on  the  unceded  territory,  and  Con- 
gress"had,  in  the  session  immediately  prior  to  the  issuing  of  this 
order,  appropriated  $200,000,  to  be  used,  in  part,  for  the  pay-^  ^  ^ 

rnent  of  the  seventh   of  thirty  instalments  "for  Indians  roam- 

ins!" 

CUSTER,    BLACK   HILLS,    (1874.)  **** 

In  1874  followed  the  Custer  expedition  in  the  Black  Hills. 
This  onslaught  was  in  direct,  open  and  inexcusable  violation  of 
the  very  plainest  provisions  of  the  treaty.  But  gold  had  been 
discovered  in  the  Black  Hills,  and  the  Government  not  only 
made  no  effort  to  keep  faith  with  the  Indians,  but  its  own 
officers  and  men  were  conspicuous  in  their  flagrant  violation  of 
the  national  engagements.  Speaking  of  the  subsequent  hostili 
ties,  the  "  Report  of  the  Sioux  Commissioners"  continues 
(page  342):  "Of  the  results  of  this  year's  war,  we  have 
no  wish  to  speak.  It  is  a  heart-rending  record  of  the 
slaughter  of  many  of  the  bravest  of  our  army.  It  has  not 
only  carried  desolation  and  woe  to  hundreds  of  our  own 
hearth-stones,  but  it  has  added  to  the  cup  of  anguish  which 
we  have  pressed  to  the  lips  of  the  Indian.  We  fear  that 
when  others  shall  examine  it  in  the  light  of  history,  they 
will  repeat  the  words  of  the  officers  who  penned  the  re- 


42  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— THE  SIOUX. 

port  of  1868 :  'The  results  of  the  year's  campaign  satisfied 
all  reasonable  men  that  the  war  was  useless  and  expensive.  To 
those  who  reflected  on  the  subject,  knowing  the  facts,  the  war 
was  something  more  than  useless  and  expensive ;  it  was  dis 
honorable  to  the  nation  and  disgraceful  to  those  who  originated 
it.'"  The  Commissioners  add  their  own  judgment:  "We 
hardly  know  how  to  frame  in  words  the  feelings  of  shame  and 
sorrow  which  fill  our  hearts  as  we  recall  the  long  record  of 
broken  faith  of  our  Government."  (page  343).  "  It  is  an 
eternal  law  of  the  government  of  God,  that  whatsoever  a  nation 
sows,  that,  and  nothing  but  that,  shall  it  reap.  If  we  sow 
broken  faith,  injustice  and  wrong,  we  shall  reap  in  the  future  as 
we  have  reaped  in  the  past,  a  harvest  of  sorrow  and  blood" 
(page  346).  *  *  "  We  are  aware  that  many  of  our  people  think, 
that  the  only  solution  of  the  Indian  problem  is  in  their  exter 
mination.  We  would  remind  such  persons  that  there  is  only 
One  who  can  exterminate.  There  arc  too  many  graves  within 
our  borders,  over  which  the  grass  has  hardly  grown,  for  us  to 
forget  that  God  is  just.  The  Indian  is  a  savage,  but  he  is  also 
a  man.  He  is  one  of  the  few  savage  men  who  clearly  recog 
nize  the  existence  of  a  Great  Spirit.  He  believes  in  the  im 
mortality  of  the  soul.  He  has  a  passionate  love  for  his  children. 
He  loves  his  country.  He  will  gladly  die  for  his  tribe.  Un 
less  we  deny  all  revealed  religion,  we  must  admit  that  he  has 
the  right  to  share  in  all  the  benefits  of  divine  revelation.  "  He 
is  capable  of  civilization.  Amidst  all  the  obstacles,  the  wrongs 
and  evils  of  our  Indian  policy,  there  are  no  missions  which 
show  richer  rewards.  Thousands  of  this  poor  race,  who  were 
once  as  poor  and  degraded  as  the  wild  Sioux,  are  to-day  civil 
ized  men,  living  by  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  and  sharing 
with  us  in  those  blessings  which  give  to  men  home,  country  and 
freedom.  There  is  no  reason  why  these  men  may  not  also  be 
led  out  of  darkness  into  light." 


SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECOED—THE  MESCALAROS.        43 

THE  MESCALAROS. 
GENERAL  CARLETO^'s  RECORD. 

In  January,  186-7,  a  Joint  Congressional  Committee  on  In 
dian  Affairs,  after  a  long  investigation,  reported  unanimously 
against  transferring  the  Indian  Bureau  to  the  War  Depart 
ment.  In  pursuing  their  inquiries,  they  requested  information 
and  suggestions  from  many  persons,  amongst  others,  one  James 
H.  Carleton,  Brigadier  General,  commanding  department, 
[STew  Mexico.  The  inquiries  addressed  to  this  person  embraced 
the  whole  field  of  Indian  affairs.  His  reply  is  lengthy,  but  the 
following  sentiment  is  characteristic.  After  giving  several 
other  causes  why,  in  his  opinion,  the  Indians  were  dying  out,  he 
adds — by  way  of  climax — "  the  causes  which  the  Almighty 
originates,  when  in  their  appointed  time,  He  wills  that  one 
race  of  men — as  in  races  of  lower  animals — shall  disappear  off 
the  face  of  the  earth,  and  give  place  to  another  race  and  so  on 
in  the  great  cycle  traced  out  by  Himself,  which  may  be  seen, 
but  has  reasons  too  deep  to  be  fathomed  by  us.  The  races  of 
the  mammoths  and  mastodons  and  the  great  sloths  came  and 
passed  away.  The  red  man  of  America  is  passing  away  !" 

This  same  person  *  also  unearthed  for  the  benefit  of  the  com 
mittee,  his  own  "  record,"  consisting  of  his  correspondence  in 
"  relation  to-  Indians,  Indian  wars,  etc.,  etc.,  within  my  official 
jurisdiction  and  controlled  by  myself."  He  adds  :  "  I  point 
to  this  record  of  over  three  years  of  anxiety  and  toil,  mostly 
on  their  (Indians,)  account,  as  one  of  which  I  do  not  feel 
ashamed !"  This  correspondence  might  have  remained  buried 
in  the  tons  of  wasting  matter  in  the  War  Department,  but  their 
author  being  a  victim  of  moral  obliquity  and  having  a  morbid 
desire  to  exhibit  himself  in  print,  managed  to  induce  the  com 
mittee  to  spread  this  "record"  of  his  over  more  than  two 
hundred  pages  of  their  report !  From  the  extracts  which  will 
here  be  given,  it  will  be  seen  what  this  person  was  doing  in 
a  small  way,  to  help  Providence,  in  order  that  the  red  man 
might  be  quicker  in  "  passing  away."  The  dates  are  of  orders 

*  Appendix  to  Doolittle  Report,  p.  432-3. 


44       SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— THE  MESCALAROS. 

to  subordinate  officers,  operating  against  Indians  at  different 
places,  and  show  a  deliberate  plan  to  exterminate  this  tribe. 

"Oct.  11,  1862.  *  Confidential'  letter  to  Colonel  J.  R.  West. 
"  There  is  to  be  no  council  held  with  the  Indians,  nor  any  talks. 
TJie  men  are  to  be  slain  whenever  and  wherever  found." 

Oct.  12,  1862,  to  Col.  Carson.  "  You  will  make  war  upon 
the  Mescalaro  and  all  other  Indians  you  may  find  in  the  Mes- 
calaro  country  until  further  orders.  All  Indian  men  are  to 
be  killed  whenever  and  wherever  you  can  find  them.  *  *  * 
If  the  Indians  send  a  flag  of  truce  and  desire  to  sue  for  peace, 
say  to  them,  you  have  no  power  to  make  peace,  that  you  are  there 
to  kill  them  wherever  you  can  find  them." 

April  10, 1863,  he  instructed  the  commanding  officer  at  Fort 
Stanton,  that  he  "  be  sure  to  have  slain  every  Mescalaro  who  may 
be  met  with  at  large  in  the  vicinity  of  his  post." 

May  13,  1863,  he  wrote  to  Gen.  Halleck,  General-in-Chief 
at  Washington,  in  relation  his  (Carleton's)  efforts  to  open  up  the 
country  to  farmers  and  miners  by  an  "effort  to  brush  back  the 
Indians."  He  then  adds ;  "  If  I  had  one  more  good  regiment 
of  California  infantry,  composed  as  that  infantry  is  of  practical 
miners,  I  would  place  it  in  the  Gila  country.  While  it  would  exter 
minate  the  Indians,  who  are  a  scourge  to  New  Mexico,  it  would 
protect  people  who  might  wish  to  go  there  to  open  up  the 
country." 

July  5,  1863,  he  directs  Col.  West,  "  to  proceed  with  great 
caution,  without  noise  of  trumpets  or  drums,  or  loud  talking, 
or  the  firing  of  guns,  except  in  battle,  to  march  silently,  mostly 
by  night,  to  build  fires  of  dry  twigs,  that  no  smoke  may  arise 
from  them,  to  have  no  fires  by  night,  to  kill  every  Indian  man 
they  can  find." 

August  16,  1863,  to  Col.  Riggs.  "  The  troops  must  be  kept 
after  the  Indians,  not  in  big  bodies,  with  military  noises  and 
smokes,  and  the  gleam  of  arms  by  day,  and  fires  and  talk,  and 
comfortable  sleeps  by  night;  but  in  small  parties,  moving 
stealthily  to  their  haunts  and  laying  patiently  in  wait  for  them ; 
or  by  following  their  tracks  day  after  day,  with  a  fixedness  of 
purpose  that  never  gives  up  *  *  If  a  hunter 


THE  CHIVINGTON  MASSACRE.  45 

goes  after  deer,  he  tries  all  sorts  of  wiles  to  get  within  gun  shot. 
An  Indian  is  more  watchful  and  wary  animal  than  a  deer." 
Sept.  13,  1863,  he  wrote  to  Postmaster  General  Blair,  and 
Sept.  20,  1863,  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Secretary  Chase.  After 
lamenting  that  the  California  column  "  have  not  had  the  good 
fortune  to  strike  good  hard  honest  blows  for  the  old  flag,  they 
have,  at  least,  been  instrumental  in  helping  to  find  gold  to  pay 
the  gallant  men  who  have  had  the  honor."  He  followed  this 
up  by  inviting  miners  to  come  into  the  country  under  a  promise 
e>f  military  protection,  although  he  well  knew,  that  so  far  from 
inviting  them,  it  was  his  duty  to  expel  them  as  trespassers. 

THE  CHIVINGTON  MASSACRE. 

This  was  the  subject  of  a  very  extended  investigation  by  a 
Congressional  Committee,  and  in  the  official  report  and  accom 
panying  testimony  the  ghastly  story  is  told  in  sickening  detail, 

In  the  summer  of  1864  the  Governor  of  Colorado  (being  ex- 
officio  Indian  Superintendent)  issued  a  proclamation  against 
hostile  Indians,  inviting  all  friendly  Indians  to  avoid  the 
former,  and  repair  to  certain  posts  for  protection  and  food. 
This  language  was  used  :  "  Friendly  Arapahoes  and  Chey- 
ennes  belonging  to  the  Arkansas  river,  will  go  to  Major  Col- 
ley,  United  States  Indian  agent  at  Fort  Lyon,  who  will 
give  them  provisions  and  show  them  a  place  of  safety."  In 
pursuance  of  this  invitation,  some  six  hundred  Cheyennes  re 
ported  to  Major  Colley  at  Fort  Lyon,  and  remained  there  until 
November  2Stb.  During  the  interval  there  were  no  outrages, 
and  the  Indians  behaved  so  quietly  that  Major  Anthony,  who 
was  sent  with  orders  to  attack  them,  on  reaching  Fort  Lyon  de 
clined  to  fight  them  and  directed  them  to  remain  at  Sand  Creek 
until  he  could  communicate  with  Gen.  Curtis.  Whilst  the  In 
dians  were  at  Sand  Creek,  one  J.  M.  Chivington,  who  had  been 
Colonel  of  3rd  regiment  of  Colorado  Cavalry,  started  upon  an  ex 
pedition  against  the  Indians  with  one  thousand  men.  He  arrived 
at  Fort  Lyon  Nov.  28th.  It  became  immediately  known  that 
he  and  his  command  had  hostile  designs  on  the  Indians  camped 
at  Sand  Creek.  At  this  time  most  of  the  braves  were  absent, 
and  there  were  in  camp  about  six  hundred  Indians,  the  majority 


46  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

being  squaws  and  old  men  and  children.  As  soon  as  Chiv- 
iugston's  intention  was  ascertained,  every  one  at  FortLyon,  sol 
dier  and  civilian,  openly  denounced  it.  Cliivington  knew  that 
these  Indians  had  come  to  Fort  Lyon  under  the  Governor's  in 
vitation  (an'd  was  present  at  a  council  preparatory  to  their  com 
ing,)  he  also  knew  that  they  had  been  for  months  living  upon  the 
most  friendly  terms  with  the  whites,  and  that  it  would 
be  an  inexcusable  atrocity  to  attack  them.  Notwithstanding 
all  these  considerations  this  inhuman  wretch,  that  same 
night  attacked  these  defenceless  old  men,  women  and  child 
ren,  and  cruelly  massacred  about  seventy  of  their  number, 
of  whom  two-thirds  were  women  and  children.  Unheard 
of  cruelties  were  perpetrated  and  the  dead  bodies  were 
mutilated  with  nameless  barbarity.  Individual  instances  are 
attested  by  numerous  witnesses,  the  details  of  which  seem 
absolutely  incredible,  and  are  unfit  to  print.  These  cru 
elties  were  directly  caused  by  Chivington.  Major  Wynkoop 
testified  to  his  inciting  his  troops  thereto  previous  to  the 
slaughter.  "  Commencing,  he  addressed  his  command,  arous 
ing  in  them  by  his  language,  all  their  worst  passions,  urging 
them  on  to  the  work  of  committing  all  these  diabolical  outrages, 
knowing  himself  all  the  circumstances  of  these  Indians  resting 
on  the  assurances  of  protection  from  the  Government,  given 
them  by  myself  and  Major  S.  J.  Anthony,  he  kept  his  command 
in  entire  ignorance  of  it.  Col.  Chivington 

is  not  my  superior  officer,  but  a  citizen  mustered  out  of  the 
United  States  Service,  and  at  the  time  this  inhuman  monster 
committed  this  unprecedented  atrocity,  he  was  a  citizen  by  reason 
of  his  term  having  expired,  he  having  lost  his  regulation  com 
mand  some  months  previously." 

Another  witness  testified  that  he  was  present  "and  that  during 
the  massacre  he  saw  three  squaws  and  five  children  prisoners,  in 
charge  of  some  soldiers ;  that  while  they  were  being  conducted 
along,  they  were  approached  by  Lieut.  Harry  Richmond,  of  3rd 
Colorado  Cavalry;  that  Lieut.  Richmond  thereupon  immedi 
ately  killed  and  scalped  the  three  women  and  five  children  while 
they  (the  prisoners)  were  screaming  for  mercy,  while  the  soldiers, 


THE  CIIIVINGTON  MASSACRE.  47 

in  whose  charge  they  were,  shrank  back  apparently  aghast." 
The  mutilation  of  the  remains  of  the  dead  women  and  men, 
and  all  the  facts  here  given  are  established  by  numerous  wit 
nesses.  Most  of  the  dead  were  scalped,  and  some  had  their 
fingers  cut  off  for  the  rings  that  were  on  them.  It  was  testified 
that  Major  Say  re,  of  3rd  (Chivington's)  regiment,  "  scalped  an 
Indian  for  the  scalp-lock,  ornamented  by  silver  ornaments; 
he  cut  off  the  skin  with  it.  He  stood  by  and  saw  his  men  cut 
ting  fingers  from  dead  bodies."* 

Another  witness  swore  :f    "  Next  morning  after  the  battle,  I 
saw  a  little  boy  covered  up  among  the  Indians  in  a  trench,  still 
alive.    I  saw  a  Major  in  the  3rd  regiment  take  out  his  pistol  and 
blow  off  the  top  of  his  head."    Another  witnessj  details  the  at 
tack    by  Chivington  upon  the  Indians  as  they  were  gathered 
around  an  American  flag  and  a  white  flag  of  truce  within  fifty 
yards  of  him.   When  fired  on  the  Indians  ran.  "After  the  firing 
the  warriors  put  the  squaws  and  children  together  and  surrounded 
them  to  protect  them.     I  saw  five  squaws  under  a  bank  for  pro 
tection.     When  the  troops  came  up  they  ran  out  and. begged  for 
mercy,  but  the  soldiers  shot  them  all.      I  saw  one  squaw  whose 
leg  had  been  broken  by  a  shell ;  a  soldier  came  up  with  a  drawn 
sabre ;   she  raised  her  arm  to<3protect  herself,  when  he  struck^ 
breaking  her  arm.     Then  she  rolled  over  and  raised  her  other 
arm,  when  he  struck,  breaking  that,  and  then  left  her  without 
killing  her.      There  seemed  to  be  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  of 
men,  women  and  children.       There  were  some  thirty  or  forty 
squaws,  collected  in  a  hole  for  protection  ;   they  sent  out  a  little 
girl,  about  six  years  old,  with  a  white  flag  on  a  stick ;  she  had 
only  proceeded  a  few  steps  when  she  was  shot  and  killed.      All 
the  squaws  in  that  hole  were  afterwards  killed,  and  four  or  five 
bucks  outside.     The  squaws  offered  no  resistance.     Every  one  I 
saw  dead  was  scalped.         *         *         *       I  saw  a  little  girl 
about  5  years  of  age  who  had  been  hid  in  the  sand  ;  two  soldiers 


*Lucien  Palmer's  testimony,  ibid,  p.  74. 
fAmos  C.  Miksch's  (corporal)  testimony,  p.  74. 
:Jlobert  Bent,  p.  96. 


48  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

discovered  her,  drew  their  pistols  and  shot  her,  and  then  pulled 
her  out  of  the  sand  by  the  arm.  I  saw  quite  a  number  of  infants 
in  arms,  killed  with  their  mothers." 

After  all  these  horrible  details  were  officially  reported  to 
Congress,  what  did  the  Federal  Executive  do  ?  Nothing  ! 

What  did  Congress  do  ?  Congress,  in  its  own  peculiar  way, 
did  much.  It  appointed  a  Committee.  The  Committee  appoint 
ed  a  Sub-Committee.  It  appointed  clerks.  It  appointed  steno 
graphers.  It  travelled.  It  subpoenaed  numerous  witnesses.  It 
paid  mileage,  witness  fees  and  hotel  bills,  and  numerous  incidental 
expenses.  It  took  enormous  masses  of  testimony.  Then  the 
Government  printer  appeared,  and  printed  endless  copies  of  a 
large  volume,  containing  the  report  and  testimony  which 
recited  these  deeds  in  all  their  naked  deformity.  Then  the 
members  of  Congress  scattered  it  broadcast  over  the  land  to 
feed  the  paper  mills,  along  with  the  Agricultural  and  Patent 
Office  Reports.  All  this  was  a  careful,  methodical,  expensive 
preparation  for — nothing !  Finally,  Congress — adjourned.  And 
this  was  the  end  of  the  chapter.  To  this  day  this  foul  wrong  is 
unavenged.  No  man,  not  even  Chivingtoii  or  Richmond,  was 
ever  punished ! 

The  results  of  this  unpunished  massacre  were  told  these 
words,  in  a  speech  in  Congress,  in  1876,  by  Prof.  Seelye  of 
Amherst  College :  "The  Cheyennes  and  Kiowas  and  Comanches 
were  all  inflamed,  and  conflagration,  death  and  pillage  reigned 
along  our  borders.  It  took  two  years  to  stop  this  terror,  during 
which  time  (besides  the  immense  loss  to  private  individuals  of 
property  and  life),  it  cost  the  Government  $35,000,000  and 
many  lives  of  soldiers,  while,  leaving  out  the  Sand  Creek  mas 
sacre,  only  twenty  Indians  all  [told  were  slain.  In  1865  a 
treaty  of  peace  was  made,  but  in  1867  war  broke  out  again 
among  the  Cheyennes." 

HANCOCK'S  ATTACK. 

How  hostilities  broke  out  again  is  told  in  a  communication 
from  the  Indian  Bureau  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  in 


SLACK  KETTLE  MASSACRE.  49 

July,  1867.     The  whole  shameful  story  is  told  m  one  para 
graph  : 

"  In  April,  1867,  the  Cheyennes,  who  had  been  at  peace  since 
the  treaty  of  1865,  were  quietly  occupying  their  village  on  the 
grounds  assigned  to  them  by  that  treaty,  when  a  military  com 
mand,  under  Maj.  Gen.  Hancock,  without  any  known  provoca 
tion,  burned  down  the  homes  of  300  lodges,  including  about 
100  lodges  of  friendly  Sioux,  and  all  their  provisions,  clothing, 
utensils,  and  property  of  every  description,  property  being  de 
stroyed  to  the  value  of  $100,000.  The  result  of  this  was 
another  war  for  nearly  two  years,  the  loss  of  the  lives  of  over 
three  hundred  soldiers,  and  a  cost  of  nearly  $40,000,000." 

THE  MASSACRE  OF  BLACK  KETTLE'S  VILLAGE. 

This  achievement  is  called  by  Generals  Sherman,  Sheridan 
and  Ouster  by  the  more  euphonious  name  of  the  "  Battle  of 
the  Washita,"  and  is  another  instance  showing  to  what  military 
haste  and  want  of  judgment  lead.  In  the  fall  of  1868,  Gen. 
Sheridan  set  out  to  punish  the  hostiles  who  had  committed  out 
rages  on  the  Saline  and  Solomon  Rivers  in  Kansas,  in  the  pre 
ceding  summer.  Instead  of  punishing  the  guilty  ones,  Gen. 
Custer  was  sent  forward,  and  attacked  unawares  the  nearest 
Indians,  being  Black  Kettle's  village  of  friendly  Indians.  He  had 
volunteers  from  Kansas  and  Indian  allies.  The  attack  was  un 
expected,  and  was  a  wanton  butchery  of  friendly  Indians. 

THE  FACTS. 

Col.  Wynkoop,  late  agent  for  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes, 
wrote  to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  in  Jan.,  1869,  as 
follows :  "  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  that  the  position  of  Black 
Kettle  at  the  time  of  the  attack  upon  his  village,  was  not  a 
hostile  one.  I  know  that  he  had  proceeded  to  the  point  at 
which  he  was  killed  with  the  understanding  that  it  was  the 
locality  where  those  Indians  who  were  friendly  disposed  should 
assemble.  I  know  that  such  information  had  been  conveyed 
to  Black  Kettle,  as  the  orders  of  the  military  authorities,  and 
4 


50  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

that  he  was  also  instructed  that  Fort  Cobb  was  the  point  that 
the  friendly  Indians  would  receive  subsistence  at. 
In  regard  to  the  charge  that  Black  Kettle  was  engaged  in  the 
depredations  committed  on  the  Saline  and  Solomon,  during  the 
summer  of  1868,  I  know  the  same  to  be  utterly  false,  as  Black 
Kettle,  at  that  time,  was  camped  near  my  agency  on  the  Pawnee 
fork."  This  view  is  confirmed  by  Superintendent  Murphey, 
who  wrote— December  4th,  1868 — to  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs,  as  follows :  "  I  found  in  the  public  journals 
Gen.  Sheridan's  report  of  what  he  calls  'the  opening  of  the 
campaign  against  the  hostile  Indians/  the  perusal  of  which 
makes  one  sick  at  heart.  Had  these  Indians  been  hostile,  or 
had  they  been  the  warriors  who  committed  the  outrages  on 
the  Solomon  and  Saline  rivers  in  August  last,  or  those  who 
subsequently  fought  Forsyth  and  his  scouts,  no  one  would  re 
joice  over  this  victory  more  than  myself.  But  who  were  the 
parties  thus  attacked  and  slaughtered  by  Gen.  Ouster  and  his 
command  ?  It  was  Black  Kettle's  band  of  Cheyennes.  Black 
Kettle,  one  of  the  best  and  truest  friends  the  whites  ever  had 
among  the  Indians  of  the  plains."  Months  later  this  view 
was  corroborated,,  in  July,  1869,  by  Gen.  Augur.  This 
officer,  in  reporting  to  Gen.  Sheridan  the  operations  of  Gen. 
Carr  against  a  camp  of  uDog  Soldiers  and  Cheyennes,"  says  : 
"  The  prisoners  report  it  to  be  the  only  body  of  Indians 
known  on  the  Republican.  It  is  the  same  that  fought  Forsyth 
and  all  other  parties  on  the  Republican  last  year." 
Now  let  us  examine  the 

SHERIDAN-OUSTER  VERSION. 

of  what  they  saw  fit  to  call  the  "Battle  of  the 
Washita."  Take  Gen.  Sheridan's  report  to  Gen.  Sherman  : 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  report  for  the  information  of  the 
Lieutenant  General,  the  following  operations  of  Gen.  Ouster's 
command.  On  23d  of  November,  I  ordered  Gen.  Custer  to 
proceed  with  eleven  companies  of  his  regiment  of  seventh 
cavalry  in  a  southerly  direction  toward  the  Antelope  Hills, 


BLACK  KETTLE  MASSACRE.  51 

in  search  of  hostile  Indians.     On  26th,  he  struck  the  trail  of 
a  war  party  of  Black  Kettle's  band  returning  from  the  north. 

He  at  once  abandoned  his  wagons  and  fol 
lowed  in  pursuit  over  the  head- waters  of  the  Washita,  and 
thence  down  that  stream,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  27th, 
surprised  the  camp  of  Black  Kettle,  and  after  a  desperate 
fight,  in  which  Black  Kettle  was  assisted  by  the  Arapahoes 
under  Little  Raven,  and  the  Kiowas  under  Satanta,  captured 
the  entire  camp,  killing  the  Chief,  Black  Kettle,  and  one  hun 
dred  and  three  warriors,  whose  bodies  were  left  on  the  field, 
all  their  stock,  amunition,  arms,  lodges,  robes,  and  fifty-three 
women  and  three  children."  Gen.  Ouster's  own  report  states 
some  further  particulars :  "  There  never  was  a  more  com 
plete  surprise.  My  men  charged  the  village,  and  reached  the 
lodges  before  the  Indians  were  aware  of  their  presence.  The 
moment  the  charge  was  ordered,  the  band  struck  up  "  Garry 
Owen/  and  with  cheers  that  strongly  reminded  me  of  scenes 
during  the  war,  every  trooper,  led  by  his  officer,  rushed  to 
ward  the  village.  The  Indians  were  caught  napping  for  once. 
The  warriors  rushed  from  their  lodges  and  posted  themselves 
behind  the  trees  and  in  the  deep  ravines,  from  which  they 
began  a  most  determined  defence.  The  lodges  and  all  their 
contents  were  in  our  possession  within  ten  minutes  after  the 
charge  was  ordered ;  but  the  real  fighting — such  as  has  rarely 
been  equaled  in  Indian  warfare — began  when  attempting  to 
clear  out,  or  kill  the  warriors  posted  in  ravines  or  underbrush." 

"  The  Indians  left  on  the  ground  and  in 
our  possession  103  of  their  warriors,  including  Black  Kettle 
himself,  whose  scalp  is  now  in  the  possession  of  one  of  our  Osage 
guides.  We  captured  875  horses,  ponies  and  mules. 
(Here  numerous  stores,  clothing,  etc.,  are  mentioned.)  "  In  ad 
dition,  we  captured  all  their  winter  supply  of  buffalo  meat,  all 
their  meal,  flour,  and  other  provisions,  and  in  fact  everything 
they  possessed,  even  driving  their  warriors  from  the  village 
-with  little  or  no  clothing.  We  destroyed  everything  of  value 
to  the  Indians,  and  have  now  in  our  possession  as  prisoners  of 


52  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

war  (?)  fifty-three  squaws  and  their  children  /"*  Noble  achieve 
ment!  Women  and  children  killed,  and  others  prisoners  of 
war  !  Not  one  warrior  prisoner !  All  were  killed. 

A  New  York  Herald  reporter  gives  an  account  of  the  re 
turn  of  Gen.  Ouster  to  headquarters  with  his  savage  allies  : 
"  In  advance  were  the  Osage  trailers.  Their  faces 

were  painted  in  the  most  fantastic  and  hideous  designs.  *  * 
About  their  persons  were  dangling  the  trophies  which  they  had 
captured  in  the  battle.  Spears,  upon  which  were  fastened  the 
scalps  of  their  fallen  foes.  Even  the  animals 

the  Osages  bestrode  were  decorated  with  scalps,  and  strips  of 
red  and  blue  blankets.  *  Conspicuous  in  this 

party  was  the  young  Osage  warrior  Koom-la-Manche,  (Trotter.) 
It  was  he  who,  under  the  impulse  of  the  highest  ambition  of 
Indian  valor,  singled  out  the  great  Chief,  Black  Kettle,  the 
terror  of  all  the  Osages,  as  his  victim.  After  a  severe  conflict, 
he  reached  the  crowning  point  of  his  efforts,  and  bore  away  the 
ghastly  scalp  of  the  terrible  Chief  as  the  trophy  attaching  to 
his  success.  With  a  mark  of  special  attention,  this  scalp  was 
carefully  and  fantastically  decorated,  and  hung  prominently 
among  the  most  sacred  possessions  of  the  young  warrior." 

"  Newt  came  Gen.  Ouster  riding  alone.  Next 

followed  the  living  evidences  of  the  victory — over  fifty  squaws 
and  their  children  !  That  night  the  Osage 

allies  gave  a  scalp  dance.  The  scene  was  one  of 

savage  effect.  The  burning  logs  in  the  centre,  the  Indians 
painted  and  attired  in  war  costume,  *  performed  their 

mysterious  contortions  of  the  body,  and  whooped  wildly  as  if 
about  to  engage  their  foe.  Many  of  our  officers  and  soldiers, 
among  the  former,  Generals  Sheridan  and  Ouster,  witnessed  this 
scene,  and  remained  until  a  late  hour." 

THE  PIEGAN  MASSACEE  BY  COL.  BAKER,  MONTANA  (1869). 

Hostilities  in  Montana  were  begun  by  Acting-Governor 
Meagher,  without  authority  of  any  kind,  enlisting  1,000  men 

*  "In  the  excitement  of  the  fight,  as  well  as  in  self-defence  (?),  it  so  happened,  that  some 
of  the  squaws  and  a  few  of  the  children  "  were  killed  and  wounded." 


PIEGANWAJSSACEK   '  53 

for  a  general  raiding  expedition  on  the  Indians,  the  soldiers  (!) 
being  promised  whatever  plunder  they  got  and  a  liberal  scalp 
reward.  The  Bloods  and  Blackfeet  were  friendly,  as  were  the 
Piegans,  except  the  band  of  Mountain  Chief,  which  had  retal 
iated  on  Meagher's  brigands,  and  had  since  moved  north  into 
Canada,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1869.  This  was  shown  con 
clusively  by  the  official  reports  of  Gen.  Sully  (then  Supt.  of  In 
dian  Affairs  in  Montana),  of  Lieut.  Pease  (the  then  agent  of  the 
Blackfeet),  and  of  Gen..DeTrobriand.*  After  these  reports  were 
in,  General  Sheridan,  on  Oct.  21, 1869,  asked  permission  to  send 
an  expedition  against  Mountain  Chief's  band  of  Piegans.  Ho 
named  January  15th,  1870,  as  the  time,  giving  as  a  reason  that 
they  would  then  "  be  very  helpless,  and  if  where  they  live  is  not 
too  far  from  Shaw  or  Ellis,  we  might  be  able  to  give  them  a 
good  hard  blow."  On  Nov.  9th.  1869,  General  Sherman  ap 
proved  of  this,  and  on  Nov.  15th,  1869,  General  Sheridan  so  ad 
vised  Gen.  Hancock,  and  of  his  own  motion  added,  "  any  of  the 
Blackfeet  who  may  have  been  engaged  in  the  murders  and  rob 
ber  ries  lately  perpetrated  in  Montana."  Sheridan  named  Col. 
Baker  as  the  proper  man  to  take  command  of  the  expedition, 
and  adds:  "I  spoke  to  him  on  the  subject  as  he  passed  through 
Chicago." 

Gen.  DeTrobriand  had,  from  the  spot,  reported  officially  on 
these  matters,  and  Col.  Baker  knew  nothing  but  what  was  told 
him.  On  Jan.  16th,  1870,  Sheridan  advised  Gen.  Hardie:  "  If 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  citizens  of  Montana  can  best  be 
protected  by  striking  Mountain  Chief's  band  of  Piegan  In 
dians,  I  want  them  struck.  Tell  Baker  to  strike  hard."  In 
reply  Hardie  said :  "  I  think  chastisement  necessary.  In  this 
Col.  Baker  concurs.  He  knows  the  General's  wishes.  * 
Col.  Baker  may  be  relied  on  to  do  all  the  General  wished." 

At  this  time  Mountain  Chief's  Piegans  were  in  Canada  !    But 

*This  officer  gives  the  outrages'in  detail,  viz:  the  killing  of  two  whites  and  four  In 
dians  and  "  the  murder  of  Mr.  Clark  and  attempted  murder  of  his  son  by  Piegans,  under 
Peter,  an  Indian  brother-in-law  of  Mr.  Clark,  the  sons  of  Mountain  Chief,  Bear  Chief, 
and  others  unknown."  This  he  declares  to  have  been  a  "family  quarrel."  He  further  re. 
ported  that  the  Blackfeet,  Pend  d'Orilles,  Bloods,  and  even  part  of  the  Piegans  "have 
nothing  to.  do  with  the  attacks  on  persons  and  property  of  whites ;  that  they  want 
no  war,  but  peace,  and  that  they  are  ready  to  come  and  stay  on  whatever  reservation 
may  be  assigned  to  them." 


54  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

a  victim  was  needed  and  at  hand,  and,  in  lieu  of  them,  the  nearest 
Indians,  a  friendly  village  of  Bear  Chief  and  Red  Horn,  (then 
suffering  terribly  from  small-pox,  and  wholly  ignorant  of  their 
danger,)  was  surprised,  their  lodges  burned,  one  hundred  and 
seventy-three  men,  women  and  children  butchered  by  the 
troops,  arid  one  hundred  prisoners  (women  and  children) 
some  having  the  small-pox,  were  turned  loose  to  freeze  upon 
the  open  prairies,  the  thermometer  being  below  zero  !  Colonel 
Baker  knew  perfectly  well  that  these  were  not  Mountain  Chief's 
Indians,  because  in  his  report  he  adds  that  afterwards,  "I 
marched  after  the  camp  of  Mountain  Chief,  who,  I  understood, 
was  camped  four  miles  below.  After  marching  sixteen  miles  I 
found  a  camp  of  seven  lodges  that  had  been  abandoned  in  great 
haste,  leaving  everything.  * 

The  result  of  the  expedition  is,  173  Indians  killed,  100  prisoners, 
women  and  children,  (these  were  allowed  to  go  free,  as  it  was  as 
certained  some  of  them  had  the  small-pox),  44  lodges  with  all 
their  supplies  and  stores  destroyed,  and  300  horses  captured/' 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  permission  from  headquarters 
was  to  attack  Mountain  Chief's  band  of  Piegans.  Notwith 
standing  this,  Gen.  Sheridan,  Jan.  29th,  1870,  in  forwarding 
Col.  Baker's  report,  treats  it  as  "a  compliance  with  your  (Sher 
man's)  permission  of  Nov.  4th,  1869,  to  punish  Piegan  Indians." 
Col.  Baker's  leaving  100  women  and  children  (some  sick 
with  small-pox,)  to  freeze  to  death  on  the  prairies  was  too  much 
even  for  Gen.  Sheridan ;  so  in  a  further  despatch  to  Gen.  Sher 
man,  dated  Jan.  31st,  1870,  he  volunteered  to  cover  up  this 
brutal  transaction  by  reporting  that  "  Col.  Baker  had  to  turn 
loose  over  one  hundred  squaws.  He  had  no  transportation  to 
get  them  in."*  Gen.  Sherman  replied  in  effusive  commen 
dations. 

THE  FACTS. 

Soon,  however,  the  truth  came  out,  arid  with  it  all  the  ghastly 
details  of  this  cowardly  butchery  of  friendly,  unsuspecting,  and 

*  Colonel  Baker,  at  the  time  and  on  the  spot,  did  not  make  any  such  excuse. 
This  was  an  after-thought,  resulting  from  the  merciless  castigation  of  the  civil 
ized  Press.  If  these  women  and  children  had  been  left  under  their  own  shelter 
they  would  have  wanted  no  transportation. 


PIEGAN  MASSACRE.  55 

innocent  sick  men,  women  and  children.  Col.  Baker  reported 
173  Indians  killed.  The  public  were  meant  to  be  deceived  into 
believing  that  they  were  all  warriors,  but  Lieut.  Pease,  in  an  of 
ficial  report  to  Gen.  Sully,  gives  the  facts:  "The  173  Indians 
killed  were  classified  thus : 

Thirty-three  men,  viz  : 

15  men  between  15  and  37  years  of  age. 
10    "  "     37  and  60      "         " 

8    "  "     60  and  70      "         " 

Ninety  women,  viz : 

35  women,  between  12  and  37  years  of  age. 
55      "  "        37  and  70     "          " 

Fifty-five  children  under  1 2  years  of  age. 

"  At  the  time  of  the  attack  this  camp  was  suffering  severely 
with  small-pox,  having  had  it  among  them  for  two  months." 
When  the  details  of  this  shameful  butchery  became  known  the 
Press  resounded  with  denunciations ;  but  no  word  of  reproach 
ever  came  from  Gen.  Sheridan,  or  from  Gen.  Sherman,  or  from 
any  one  else,  from  the  President  down.  Indeed,  Gen.  Sherman 
was  as  exaggerated  as  ever  in  his  praises,  and  Gen.  Sheridan  re 
iterated  his  approval.  The  former  affected  not  to  believe  the  mas 
sacre  stories ;  but  eventually  the  truth  had  to  be  admitted,  and 
still  no  sign  of  retribution  came  from  either  Sherman  or  Sher 
idan  ;  on  the  contrary  they  both  abused  Gen.  Sully  and  Lieut. 
Pease  for  telling  the  truth — the  horrid,  naked,  startling  truth  of 
this  villainous  and  knowing  butchery  of  sick  and  friendly  Indians. 
Both  of  these  officers  furnish  an  explanation  in  their  own  words: 
Said  Gen.  Sheridan  (March  18th,  1870),  to  Gen.  Sherman :  "  I 
have  to  select  the  season  when  I  can  catch  the  fiends,  and  if  a 
village  is  attacked,  and  women  and  children  killed,  the  respon 
sibility  is  not  with  the  soldiers,  but  with  the  people  whose  crimes 
necessitate  the  attack."  Gen.  Sherman's  "Indian  Views"  had 
already  been  succinctly  stated  in  1866,  as  follows :  "We  must  act 
with  vindictive  earnestness  against  the  Sioux,  even  to  their  ex 
termination,  men,  women  and  children.  Nothing  less  will  reach 
the  root  of  the  case." 


56  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD— GEN.  ORD. 

Commenting  on  these  fearful  massacres,  Prof.  Seelye,  of  Am- 
herst,  (in  Congress),  well  said,  speaking  of  Generals  Sherman 
and  Sheridan  and  the  others :  "  And  what  shall  be  said  of  the 
Piegan  massacre  and  the  massacre  at  Washita  and  Powder 
Creek,  or  of  the  Lieutenant-General  and  Major-General  and 
Brigadier-General  and  Colonel  by  whom  these  deeds  were 
done?  I  never  heard  any  of  these  men  called  Methodist 
preachers,  ministers,  or  any  other  than  officers  of  the  regular 
army,  regularly  bred.  These  deeds  are  only  equalled  in 
horror,  and  some  of  them  are  hardly  surpassed  by  that  at  Sand 
Creek  [Chivington],  and  are  a  blot  of  damning  infamy,  not  only 
on  the  guilty  perpetrators,  but  upon  the  War  Department  which 
still  sustains  the  men  who  did  them." 

GENERAL  ORD'S  RECORD  (1869). 

In  September,  1869,  in  his  annual  report,  Gen.  Ord,  in  sub 
stance  stated,  that  he  had  2200  men  under  him,  in  Arizona, 
at  an  annual  cost  to  the  Government  of  $3,000,000.  He  adds 
significantly :  "Almost  the  only  paying  business  in  the  co.untry 
is  supplying  the  troops.  *  *  And  I  am  in 

formed  in  every  quarter  that  if  the  quartermasters  and  pay 
masters  of  the  army  were  to  stop  payment  in  Arizona,  a  great 
majority  of  the  white  settlers  would  be  compelled  to  quit.  JTos- 
tilitiea  are  therefore  kept  up  with  a  view  to  supporting  inhabitants, 
most  of  whom  are  supported  by  the  hostilities.  Of  course  their 
support  being  derived  from  the  presence  of  troops,  they  are  con 
tinually  asking  for  more.  There  was  in  Arizona,  January  1st, 
1869,  according  to  the  Army  Register,  not  a  single  army  post  or 
soldier,  and  there  was  then  more  travel  across  the  Southern  por 
tion  of  the  Territory  than  now,  more  need  of  troops  there,  and 
more  Indians."  With  these  facts  staring  him  in  the  face  he  still 
went  on  with  the  extermination  policy,  and  (emulating  Gen. 
Carleton)  himself  reports :  "  I  have  encouraged  the  troops  to 
capture  and  root  out  the  Apaches  by  every  means  in  my  power, 
and  to  hunt  them  as  they  would  wild  animals.  This,  they  have 
done  with  unrelenting  vigor.  Since  my  last  report  over  two 


CAMP  GRANT  MASSACRE.  57 

hundred  have  been  killed,  generally  by  parties  who  have  trailed 
them  for  days  and  weeks,  into  the  mountain  recesses,  over  snows, 
among  gorges  and  precipices,  lying  in  wait  for  them  by  day  and 
following  them  by  night.  Many  villages  have  been  burned. 
*  Many  of  the  border  men,  especially  those  who 

have  lost  friends  or  relations  by  them,  regard  all  Indians  as  ver 
min  to  be  killed  wherever  met.  *  *  The  Apaches  have 
but  few  friends,  and,  I  believe,  no  agent.  Even  the  officers, 
when  applied  to  by  them  for  information,  cannot  tell  them  what 
to  do.  There  seems  to  be  no  settled  policy,  but  a  general  idea  to 
kill  them,  wherever  found.  I  am  a  believer  in  that  if  we  go  for 
extermination." 

Here  is  a  "  Christian  Soldier,"  who  reports  in  effect  that  no 
troops  are  needed,  and  that  hostilities  are  kept  up  so  as  to  sup 
port  the  white  population,  yet  encourages  his  troops  in  cowardly 
and  stealthy  murder  of  Indians,  though  his  own  officers,  when 
applied  to,  cannot  tell  them  what  to  do.  Was  there  ever  a  more 
damnable  and  infamous  verdict  penned  by  a  man  on  him 
self  and  the  War  Department,  than  this  cold-blooded  report  ? 

APACHE  MASSACRE  AT  CAMP  GRANT. 

At  Camp  Grant,  in  Arizona,  early  in  1871,  a  small  Indian 
settlement  was  established.  At  first  it  consisted  of  twenty-five 
Apaches,  under  a  young  chief  who  came  to  Lieutenant  Whit 
man,  in  command,  stated  that  his  band  desired  peace,  that  they  had 
no  homes  and  could  make  none,  because  wherever  they  located 
they  were  in  constant  fear  of  molestation.  This  officer  advised 
them  to  go  to  the  White  Mountains,  but  the  young  chief  replied 
that  his  people  had  never  lived  there,  had  never  been  connected 
with  the  Indians  in  those  mountains.  They  were  Aravapa 
Apaches,  wanted  to  live  in  the  home  of  their  fathers  and  raise 
corn  and  mescal.  Lieut.  Whitman  permitted  this  band  to  re 
main  near  his  post,  provisionally  promising  to  protect  them 
while  he  communicated  with  his  superior  officer.  In  pursu 
ance  of  this  arrangement,  runners  were  sent  out,  and  about 
March  1st,  three  hundred  Indians  were  gathered  at  Camp 


58  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

Grant.  Lieut.  Whitman  made  a  detailed  report  of  the  condi 
tion  of  affairs,  which  he  sent  by  express  to  the  department 
commander,  and  asked  for  specific  instructions.  He  waited 
six  weeks,  when  his  report  was  sent  back  to  him  without 
one  word  of  instructions,  or  any  notice  whatever  of  the  In 
dians,  because  it  was  not  properly  briefed!  The  printed  ac 
counts  of  this  wretched  affair  do  not  give  the  name  of  the 
officer  whose  preposterous  idea  of  what  lie  thought  to  be  his 
official  importance  was  slighted  by  his  subordinate's  mode  of 
stating  the  case.  This  man  of  red  tape  and  sealing  wax 
had  not  enough  human  blood  in  his  veins  to  forget  for  a 
moment  his  insignificant  self,  notwithstanding  the  responsi 
bility  which  was  upon  him.  Nevertheless,  as  no  objection 
had  been  made  at  department  headquarters,  more  Indians 
came  in,  until  at  last  about  five  hundred  were  gathered  at 
this  point.  They  were  employed  by  the  military  in  bringing 
in  hay,  carrying  on  their  backs  to  camp  about  two  hundred 
thousand  pounds.  They  also  gathered  mescal.  By  leave  of 
the  commanding  officer,  they  moved  their  camp  higher  up  the 
Aravapa,  to  a  place  where  water  was  plentiful.  Soon  after 
Capt.  Stan  wood  took  command.  He  investigated  the  condi 
tion  of  affairs,  and  was  so  well  satisfied  with  the  Indians  that, 
on  April  24,  1871,  he  took  most  of  his  troops  on  a  scouting 
expedition  in  the  lower  part  of  the  territory.  The  white  set 
tlers  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  were  satisfied  with  these 
Indians,  and  had  promised  Lieut.  Whitman  to  give  them  work 
in  season  at  gathering  barley. 

The  rest  of  the  story  can  best  be  told  in  that  officer's  own 
language :  "  I  had  come  to  feel  respect  for  men  who,  igno 
rant  and  naked,  were  still  ashamed  to  lie  or  steal,  and  for  women 
who  would  cheerfully  work  like  slaves  to  clothe  themselves 
and  children,  but  untaught  held  their  virtue  above  price. 

I  had  ceased  to  have  any  fears  of  their  leaving,  and  only 
dreaded  for  them  that  they  might,  at  any  time,  be  ordered  to  do 
so.  They  frequently  expressed  anxiety  to  hear  from  the  Gen 
eral  that  they  might  have  confidence  to  build  for  themselves  bet- 


CAMP  GRANT  MASSACRE.  59 

ter  houses,  but  would  always  say  :  '  You  know  what  we  want, 
and  if  you  cannot  see  him,  you  can  write/  On  the  morning  of 
April  30,  I  was  at  breakfast  at  7.30  o'clock,  when  a  despatch 
was  brought  to  me  by  a  sergeant  of  Company  P,  21st  Infantry, 
from  Capt.  Penn,  commanding  Camp  Lowell,  informing  me 
that  a  large  party  had  left  Tucson  on  the  28th,  with  the  avowed 
purpose  of  killing  all  the  Indians  at  this  post.  I  immediately 
sent  two  interpreters  mounted  to  the  Indian  camp,  with  orders 
to  tell  the  Chiefs  the  exact  state  of  things,  and  for  them  to 
bring  the  entire  party  inside  the  fort.  As  I  had  no  cavalry, 
and  but  fifty  infantry,  all  recruits,  and  no  other  officer,  I  could 
not  leave  the  fort  to  go  to  their  defence.  My  messengers  re 
turned  in  an  hour  with  the  intelligence,  that  they  could  find  no 
living  Indians.  The  camp  was  burning  and  the  ground  strewed 
with  their  dead  and  mutilated  women  and  children.  I  imme 
diately  mounted  a  party  of  about  twenty  soldiers  and  citizens, 
and  went  with  them,  and  the  post  surgeon  with  a  wagon  to 
bring  in  the  wounded,  if  any  could  be  found.  The  party  re 
turned  in  the  afternoon,  having  found  no  wounded,  and  without 
being  able  to  communicate  with  any  of  the  survivors.  Early 
the  next  morning  I  took  a  small  party  with  spades  and  shovels, 
and  went  out  and  buried  all  the  dead  in  and  about  the  camp. 
I  thought  the  act  of  caring  for  their  dead  would  be  an  evidence 
to  them  of  our  sympathy,  at  least,  and  the  conjecture  proved 
correct,  for  while  at  work,  many  of  them  came  to  the  spot  and 
indulged  in  their  expressions  of  grief,  too  wild  and  terrible  to 
be  described.  That  evening  they  came  in  singly,  and  in  small 
parties,  from  all  directions,  so  changed  in  forty-eight  hours  as  to 
be  hardly  recognizable,  during  which  time  they  had  neither 
eaten  nor  slept.  Many  of  the  men,  whose  families  had  been 
killed  when  I  spoke  to  them,  and  expressed  my  sympathy  for 
them,  were  obliged  to  turn  away,  unable  to  speak,  and  too 
proud  to  show  their  grief.  The  women,  whose  children  had 
been  killed  or  stolen,  were  convulsed  with  grief,  and  looked  to 
me  appealingly,  as  though  I  was  their  last  hope  on  earth. 
Children  who,  two  days  before,  had  been  full  of  fun  and  frolic, 


60  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

kept  at  a  distance,  expressing  wondering  horror. 
Their  camp  was  surrounded  and  attacked  at  day-break.  So 
sudden  and  unexpected  was  it,  that  no  one  was  awake  to 
give  the  alarm,  and  I  found  quite  a  number  of  women  who 
were  shot  while  they  were  asleep  beside  their  bundles  of  hay, 
which  they  had  collected  to  bring  in  on  that  morning.  The 
women  who  were  unable  to  get  away,  had  their  brains  beaten 
out  with  clubs  or  stones.  *  *  The  bodies  were  all  stripped 
What  they  (Indians)  do  not  understand  is  that, 
while  they  are  at  peace,  and  conscious  of  no  wrong  intent, 
they  should  be  murdered.  One  of  the 

Chiefs  said,  'I  no  longer  want  to  live;  my  women  and  child 
ren  have  been  killed  before  my  face,  and  I  have  been  unable 
to  defend  them.  Most  Indians  in  my  place  would  take  a 
knife  and  cut  his  throat,  but  I  will  live  to  show  these  people 
that  all  they  have  done,  and  all  they  can  do,  shall  not  make 
me  break  faith  with  you,  so  long  as  you  will  stand  by  us  and 
defend  us,  in  a  language  we  know  nothing  of,  to  a  great  gov 
ernor  we  never  have,  nor  ever  shall  see.'  About  their  cap 
tives  they  say :  '  Get  them  back  for  us,  our  little  boys  will 
grow  up  slaves,  and  our  girls  worse.  * 

*  Our  women  work  hard,  and  are  good  women,  and  they 
and  our  children  have  no  diseases.  Our  dead  you  cannot  bring 
to  life,  but  those  that  are  living,  we  give  to  you,  who  can  write 
and  talk,  and  have  soldiers  to  get  them  back/  I  can  assure 
you  it  is  difficult  to  convince  them  of  my  zeal,  when  they  see  so 
little  being  done." 

What  was  the  sequel  to  all  this  ?  Was  any  one  punished  ? 
Oh  no.  But  Lieut.  Whitman  was  soon  relieved!  In  April, 
1872,  Gen.  Howard  visited  the  scene.  The  Indians  told  their 
story,  and  asked  for  Whitman.  But  there  was  much  feeling 
against  him  for  his  out-spoken  denunciation  of  these  border 
butchers.  The  mob  opposed  his  return,  and  Gen.  Howard 
was  too  weak  to  withstand  it,  and  so  Whitman  was  not  re-in 
stated,  and  thus  ends  another  shameful  chapter. 


NORTHERN  CHEYENNES.  61 

NORTHERN  CHEYENNES,  CRAZY  HORSE,  DULL  KNIFE. 

The  Northern  Cheyennes,  in  1867-8,  relinquished  all  their 
territory,  reserving  the  right  to  roam  for  game,  and  receive  an 
nuities,  like  nomad  Sioux,  As  a  permanent  home  they  were 
given  choice  of  the  following  places  : 

1.  The  reservation  of  the  Cheyennes  or  Arapahoes,  (South)  or 

2.  Crow  reservation,  or 

3.  Sioux  reservation. 

The  Government,  at  this  time,  further  promised  these  Indians 
school  houses,  teachers,  houses,  mills ;  also  mechanics,  a  farmer, 
etc.  They  continued  roaming  until  1876,  having  no  fixed  home 
at  any  of  the  places  above  indicated.  Notwithstanding  their 
treaty  right  to  roam,  on  June  29th,  1869,  a  military  order  was 
issued,  proclaiming  that  all  roaming  Indians  would  be  regarded 
as  hostile  !  In  1873,  the  Indian  Bureau  endeavored  unsuccess 
fully  to  induce  them  to  join  the  Southern  Cheyennes  and  Ara 
pahoes.  In  1874  Congress  prohibited  supplies  being  issued  to 
them,  until  they  should  join  the  Southern  Indians.  In  1875 
this  was  again  done.  In  the  same  year,  after  the  Sioux  had  re 
fused  to  cede  the  Black  Hills,  the  Indian  Office  decided  to  re 
move  the  Northern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  and  requested 
military  aid,  which  at  that  time  was  opposed  by  Gen.  Sheridan. 
In  March,  1876,  Gen.  Reynolds  struck  the  village  of  Crazy 
Horse.  In  August,  1876,  Congress  again  made  appropriations, 
dependent  on  their  removal  South.  In  September,  1876,  the 
Sioux  Commission  incorporated  these  Cheyennes  with  the  Sioux, 
both  they  and  the  Sioux  being  willing.  This  was  in  accordance 
with  the  treaty  of  1868. 

MASSACRE  OF  VILLAGE  OF  CRAZY  HORSE. 

In  November,  1876,  an  attack  was  made  on  the  village  of 
Crazy  Horse  by  United  States  troops,  under  (General)  Mc- 
Kenzie.  Gen.  Crook  was  his  superior  officer.  In  this 
the  troops  were  aided  by  Indian  allies,  who  were  friends  and 
relatives  of  these  Cheyennes,  but  who  were  tricked  into  joining 
this  expedition,  by  its  being  represented  that  they  were  desired 


62  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

to  join  in  an  attack  upon  the  "  Northern  Indians."  The  attack 
was  made  before  day-break,  and  so  the  Indian  allies  had  no 
means  of  discovering  their  mistake  !  These  Indians  of  Crazy 
Horse  had  not  recently  been  on  the  war-path  and  were  living  in 
a  very  secluded  village.  They  had  laid  in  their  supplies  for  the 
winter,  and  were  preparing  hides  for  market.  They  were  de 
prived  of  any  annuities.  They  had  no  fixed  home  on  any  re 
servation,  and  by  treaty  they  had  a  right  to  roam  in  the  very  ter 
ritory  in  which  was  their  village.  It  is  true  that  two  months  be 
fore  they  had  been  incorporated  with  the  Sioux,  but  this  treaty 
had  not  yet  been  ratified  by  Congress — and  it  was  not  ratified 
till  February,  1877,  and  then  with  new  conditions,  not  contained 
in  the  treaty — so  that  at  this  time  there  was  really  nothing  left 
to  them  but  the  hunting  right,  guaranteed  them  by  the  treaty  of 
May  10th,  1868.  Indeed,  in  the  agreement  made  with  these  In 
dians,  in  September,  1876 — only  two  months  before — the  faith 
of  the  Government  was  pledged  that  the  Northern  Cheyennes, 
Arapahoes,  and  Sioux  should  be  "  protected  in  their  rights  of 
property,  person,  and  life,"  and  this  pledge  Congress  did  not 
disturb.  Gen.  Crook  knew  all  this.  McKenzie  and  all  the 
other  officers  knew  this.  Nevertheless,  it  had  been  determined 
to  hunt  out  these  secluded  Indians,  in  their  remote  village,  and 
after  great  hardships  on  the  part  of  the  troops — worthy  of  a 
better  cause — and  with  the  aid  of  the  Indian  allies,  deceived 
into  this  hateful  work,  before  break  of  day,  on  a  bitter  winter 
morning,  this  village,  buried  in  peaceful  slumber,  and  its  people 
thinking  themselves  secure  from  all  attack,  were  surrounded  and 
barbarously  butchered  in  cold  blood.  The  terrified  Indians  were 
driven  out  of  their  tepees,  just  as  they  were  startled  from  their 
sleep,  and  were  massacred  without  mercy,  and  in  order  to  com 
plete  their  misery  and  that  the  survivors  might  be  entirely  des 
titute,  all  the  winter  supplies,  all  the  hides  (and  everything  else  of 
value  belonging  to  these  unfortunate  people),  were  wantonly  de 
stroyed.  When  this  brutal  and  treacherous  massacre  was  reported 
by  McKenzie  to  Gen,  Crook,  it  was  transmitted  to  Gen.  Sheridan, 
with  this  encomium  :  "  I  cannot  commend  too  highly  this  bril 
liant  achievement  and  the  gallantry  of  the  troops." 


MUEDEE  OF  CEAZY  HOESE.  63 

No  department  of  the  Government  ever  denounced  this  trans 
action,  and  to  this  day  none  of  the  guilty  participants  have  in  any 
way  been  called  to  account. 

In  Feb.  1877,  Congress  ratified  the  agreement  with  the  Sioux, 
Northern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  with  the  fourth  article, 
guaranteeing  them  essential  rights,  left  out!  This  of  course 
without  the  consent  of  the  Indians  !  The  removal  of  the  Sioux 
to  the  Indian  Territory  was  prohibited.  All  these  Indians  were 
therefore  to  remain  on  the  then  Sioux  reservation,  and,  under 
Article  3,  to  receive  subsistence  and  supplies  on  "  said  reservation 
and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Missouri  River."  The  removal  of  the 
Northern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  was  not  prohibited,  but  they 
were  not  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  receiving  supplies  as 
above  provided.  Although  Congress  had  thus  partially  ratified 
the  work  of  the  Sioux  (Commission,  the  Appropriation  bill, 
passed  March  3rd,  1877  for  the  fiscal  year,  ending  June  30th, 
1878)  did  not  appropriate  one  dollar  of  the  amount  stipulated 
to  be  paid  the  Northern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  nor  was  any 
provision  made  for  the  rations  agreed  upon,  except  for  clothing 
and  for  pay  of  a  physician,  teacher,  carpenter,  miller,  farmer, 
blacksmith  and  engineer ! 

A  SOLDIER  UNPUNISHED  MURDERS  THE  PRISONER  CRAZY 

HORSE. 

In  September,  1877,  Crazy  Horse  was  arrested  on  the  6th. 
General  Crook  telegraphed  the  intelligence  to  General  Sheri 
dan,  and  added  that  "  he  had  ordered  Bradley  to  send  him  off 
where  he  would  be  out  of  harm's  way.77 

The  result  showed  how  literally  these  instructions  were  car 
ried  out. 

Crazy  Horse  was  made  a  prisoner  September  4th,  at  Spotted 
Tail  Agency. 

On  the  evening  of  the  5th,  he  arrived  as  a  prisoner  at  Camp 
Robinson,  and  while  being  disarmed  at  the  guard-house,  he  was 
stabbed  with  a  bayonet  by  one  of  the  soldiers,  and  died  in  a  few 
hours. 

He  was  surely  "  out  of  harm's  way"  then,  and  the  United 


64  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

States  officers  were  doubtless  well  satisfied,  as  the  soldier  was 
never  punished,  and  the  government,  which  first  wantonly  de 
stroyed  this  chief's  village  and  its  inhabitants,  and  then  allowed 
him  to  be  murdered,  never  thought  the  matter  worthy  of  even  a 
formal  inquiry,  much  less  of  condemnation  and  condign  punish 
ment. 

MASSACRE  OF  DULL  KNIFE'S  BAND. 

A  fitting  sequel  to  all  this  perfidy  and  treachery  by  the  Fed 
eral  Government,  was  the  butchery  of  Dull  Knife's  Band  of 
Northern  Cheyennes. 

These  Indians  had  been  removed  South,  and  were  dissatisfied 
with  their  new  home. 

They  made  no  concealment  whatever  of  their  intention  to  re 
turn  North. 

On  September  5th,  1878,  the  agent  so  informed  the  command 
ing  officer  at  Fort  Reno.  On  September  9th,  the  band  started 
North.  The  whole  number  was  about  300,  of  whom  87  were 
warriors. 

The  agent  was  informed  of  their  departure  by  one  of  the  In 
dian  Police. 

The  Indians  had  been  eight  hours  on  the  march  before  the 
troops  "  watching  them"  knew  it.  They  were  then  pursued, 
but  had  travelled  120  miles  before  the  troops  came  up  with 
them.  No  outrages  had  been  committed  by  them  until  after 
they  had  been  struck  by  the  troops.  Then  they  committed 
numerous  atrocities.  In  Northern  Nebraska  they  surrendered 
to  the  troops.  Meanwhile  both  sides  had  sustained  losses. 

Dull  Knife's  Band  claimed  that  they  had  been  promised  not 
to  be  returned  to  the  Indian  Territory. 

Their  story  is  corroborated  by  the  Editor  of  the  Telegraph,  of 
Sidney,  Nebraska,  in  an  account  published  January  25,  1879. 

He  visited  Fort  Robinson  for  the  express  purpose  of  obtain 
ing  information  on  this  and  other  matters  connected  with  this 
raid.  For  two  months  the  prisoners  were  kept  confined  at  Fort 
Robinson.  Meanwhile  the  subject  of  their  disposition  was  be 
ing  considered  by  the  Federal  Government. 


DULL  KNIFE  MASSACRE.  65 

It  was  finally  determined,  that  the  Indians  be  returned  South, 
and  the  murderers  be  identified  and  tried  as  demanded  by  the 
State  Governor. 

Dull  Knife's  Band  earnestly  protested  that  this  was  in  viola 
tion  of  the  promise  claimed,  and  as  appears  rightfully  claimed, 
to  have  been  made  to  them  when  they  surrendered.  They 
avowed  that  sooner  than  go  back  to  the  South,  they  would  pre 
fer  to  die  where  they  were. 

Instead  of  inquiring  into  their  claim,  or  at  least  treating  them 
decently  until  he  could  represent  matters  fully  at  Washington, 
and  receive  definite  instructions,  some  official  (it  does  not  appear 
who  he  was),  undertook  to  starve  and  freeze  these  prisoners  into 
submission.  It  was  then  mid-winter,  and  was  terribly  cold. 

This  inhuman  wretch  of  his  own  authority,  and  as  an  experi 
ment  in  cruelty  which  would  do  honor  to  Alva,  actually  for  five 
days  deprived  these  miserable  creatures,  men,  women  and  child 
ren,  of  proper  food,  clothing  and  fuel !  * 

This  to  make  them  submissive  !  But  this  ingenuity  of  cruelty 
failed  utterly.  The  Indians  were  not  frozen  out,  but  only  made 
more  desperate. 

Within  a  stone's  throw  of  these  cold  and  hungry  prisoners 
were  several  companies  of  United  States  troops.  They  were 
well  clad,  well  fed  and  well  armed,  and  perfectly  able  to  main 
tain  the  authority  of  the  Government  without  having  recourse 
to  the  disgraceful  attempt  to  starve  and  freeze  the  Indians. 
While  things  were  in  this  condition,  an  interpreter  informed  the 
officers  that  an  outbreak  was  meditated.  W^hat  followed  is  fear 
fully  significant. 

On  January  9th,  in  the  evening,  all  the  stretchers  were  over 
hauled  and  made  ready  for  use.  The  attendants  were  forbid 
den  to  retire.  The  troops  did  not  turn  in.  The  windows  of 
the  prison  were  left  open. 

Why  all  this  ?     Mark  the  result. 

That  same  night  at  eleven  o'clock,  Dull  Knife  gave  the  signal. 
Every  warrior  leaped  out  of  the  windows,  left  open  for  their  es- 

*  See  Manypenny's  account  in  "  Indian  Wards." 

5 


66  SHAMEFUL  FEDERAL  RECORD. 

cape,  followed  by  their  women  and  children.  Although  two 
months  prisoners,  they  had  concealed  some  revolvers.  With 
these  they  fired  on  the  guards  to  make  good  their  escape,  and 
wounded  four  of  them. 

.  But  the  stretchers  were  ready,  the  attendants  had  not  retired, 
the  troops  had  not  turned  in. 

As  soon  as  the  firing  began,  the  main  guard  rushed  after  the 
flying  Indians  and  shot  and  killed  forty  of  them. 

Then  160  cavalry  started  on  a  wild  chase  after  the  remains  of 
the  unhappy  band  of  men,  women  and  children,  poorly  clad, 
half-starved  and  frozen,  yet  flying  for  protection  into  the  biting 
cold  of  that  terrible  January  midnight !  They  made  for  the 
bluffs,  three  miles  off,  the  mounted  troops  firing  in  all  directions 
at  the  fugitives. 

On  the  next  day  a  dispatch  from  Fort  Robinson  announced 
that  not  a  single  Indian  would  escape. 

The  troops  separated  into  small  squads,  the  more  easily  to 
track  and  pursue  them.  This  was  kept  up  until  the  22d. 

After  a  few  days  the  pursuit  relaxed,  from  cold  and  weari 
ness.  But  General  Crook  ordered  its  continuance  ! 

On  January  16,  Captain  Wessels  set  out  with  four  fresh 
companies  of  cavalry.  They  were  rationed  for  six  days. 

On  the  22d  the  butchery  was  over,  or,  as  the  butchers  would 
have  it,  "  the  campaign  closed  "  ! 

On  that  day,  at  a  point  50  miles  from  where  they  started,  the 
remnant  of  Dull  Knife's  band  was  surrounded. 

They  had  started  on  this  terrible  journey  after  five  days' 
freezing  and  starving.  They  had  followed  it  up  with  nearly 
two  weeks  more  of  cold,  hunger  and  wild  terror — men,  women 
and  children. 

Here  they  are  drawn  ,up  together  and  surrounded.  A  deadly 
fight  ensued.  The  Indians,  having  no  ammunition,  rushed  out 
with  their  knives !  JFutile  effort !  One  volley,  and  all  were  dead 
before  they  even  reached  the  troops  ! 

Twenty-four  Indians  lay -dead  on  the  ravine.  Of  these,  five 
were  squaws,  and  two  papooses.  Only  nine  remained  alive : — 
One  buck,  five  wounded  squaws,  three  squaws  unhurt. 


DULL  KNIFE  MASSACRE.  67 

Captain  Wessels'  despatch  to  General  Crook  reported  : 

"  The  Cheyennes  fought  with  extraordinary  courage  and  firm 
ness,  and  refused  (!)  all  terms  but  death  ! "  None  were  offered 
them.  The  dead  were  buried  in  one  common  grave. 

An  observer  wrote  of  them  : 

"  Let  us  see  the  dead  and  wounded  brought  into  the  Fort. 
The  soldiers  drag  out  of  the  army  wagons  twenty-six  frozen 
bodies.  They  fall  upon  the  frozen  ground  like  so  many  frozen 
hogs.  These  bodies  are  pierced  by  from  three  to  ten  bullets 
each.  They  are  stacked  up  in  piles  like  cord- wood,  the  scanty 
clothing  of  the  women  being,  in  some  instances,  thrown  over  their 
heads.  They  are  a  ghastly  pile  of  God's  poor,  despised  children. 
Their  heads  have  been  scalped,  and  every  indignity  heaped  upon 
them  that  more  than  Indian  brutality  can  invent.  The  officers 
account  for  so  many  shots  being  fired  into  the  bodies  by  say 
ing  that  whenever  the  wind  stirred  a  blanket  the  soldiers  fired 
again  to  make  sure  the  Indian  was  dead  !  They  deny  that  the 
soldiers  scalped  the  dead,  but  it  is  not  shown  that  other  Indians 
were  there. "  * 

Of  Dull  Knife's  band  of  320,  but  75  survived.  Of  these, 
only  seven  were  men  ;  the  rest  were  women  and  children,  some 
of  whom  were  sent  to  the  Ogallalla  Sioux,  their  relatives. 

But  it  is  useless  to  continue  this  shameful  record  further.  The 
facts  need  no  comment.  The  deeds  here  related  stand  out  in  all 
their  naked  deformity,  unrighted  and  unavenged. 

r-' 

*  See  Manypenny's  account  in  "  Indian  Wards." 


68  PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 


THE  PEOPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 

Having  passed  over  these  ghastly  details  of  Federal  barbar 
ism,  it  will  be  a  relief  now  to  consider  what  practical  plan  can 
be  adopted  to  remedy  the  wrongs  of  the  past  and  prepare  the 
Indians  for  civilization  and  eventual  absorption  into  the  mass 
of  the  population  of  the  Nation. 

The  plan  here  proposed  (the  adoption  of  which  will  be  advo 
cated  in  the  manner  hereinafter  indicated)  is  given  in  the  shape 
of  a  platform  or  short  declaration  of  principles,  in  order  that  it 
may  more  readily  be  understood,  and  that  those  who  favor  it 
may  be  able,  in  a  few  words,  to  say  exactly  what  they  want. 

It  is  not  claimed  that  the  platform  is  new,  either  in  whole  or 
in  part. 

On  the  contrary,  nearly  every  thing  advocated  therein  has,  at 
one  time  or  another,  been  recommended  to  Congress,  without 
the  slightest  possible  impression  having  been  "produced  upon 
that  body. 

It  is  in  view  of  this  fact  that  the  only  novel  part  of  this 
plan,  viz. :  the  mode  of  forcing  its  adoption,  is  hereafter  ex 
plained  in  detail,  and  will  continue  to  occupy  the  writer's  at 
tention  until  it  is  made  a  success. 

PLATFORM  OF  PRINCIPLES. 

GOOD  FAITH. 

Never  break  faith  with  the  Indians. 

INDIAN   TERRITORY. 

Keep  all  intruders  out  of  the  Territory. 

Continue  the  self-government  of  the  civilized  tribes. 

Let  them  regulate  their  own  land  tenure. 

LAW. 

Enact  suitable  laws  to  protect  life  and  property  on  reser 
vations. 


PLATFORM.  69 

LAW —  Continued. 

Make  them  flexible  in  detail. 

Administer  them  through  Department  orders  approved 
by  the  President. 

Promptly  and  rigidly  enforce  them. 

Individualize  the  punishment  of  crime.  Never  hold 
the  tribe  liable  for  the  crimes  of  its  members. 

Organize  an  efficient  Indian  police  force  on  every  res 
ervation. 

INDIAN   DEPARTMENT. 

Create  a  separate  Indian  Department  under  a  civilian 
Secretary. 

Grant  plenary  emergency  powers  to  the  President. 

Have  all  agencies  frequently  inspected  by  appointees  of 
the  President,  well  paid  and  unconnected  with  the 
Indian  Department. 

Carefully  regulate  the  powers  and  duties  of  Indian 
Agents. 

Give  them  permanent  positions  and  liberal  salaries. 
Keep  them  free  from  political  influence.  Let  their 
subordinates  be  appointed  by  the  Department. 

All  questions  of  general  policy  and  treatment  to  be  set 
tled  by  the  Department.  No  individual  experi 
ments  by  theoretical  agents  to  be  permitted. 

Abolish  all  privileged  traderships.  Absolutely  destroy 
all  traffic  in  liquors.  Control  the  sale  of  arms  and 
amunition.  In  all  else  let  there  be  free  trade. 

Let  all  military  posts  be  maintained  separate  and  apart 
from  the  Indian  villages  and  preserve  absolute  non- 
*  intercourse  between  the  soldiers  and  the  Indians. 

NO   REMOVALS. 

Remove  no  more  tribes,  except  where  the  soil  and  cli 
mate  require  it,  and  the  change  is  voluntary. 
Civilize  the  Indians  where  they  are. 


70  PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 

EDUCATION. 

Educate  the  entire  Indian  reservation  population.     Teach 

the  children  in  boarding  manual-labor  schools  on 

the  reservations. 

Make  them  farmers  and  graziers. 
Give  all  the  bands  an  abundance  of  cattle. 
Teach  them  trades. 
Instruct  them  in  the  laws  of  health. 
Show  them  how  to  live. 
Neutralize  the  influence  of  the  medicine  men. 
Make  work  compulsory. 

LANDS   IN   SEVERALTY. 

ON  RESERVATIONS  divide  lands  in  severalty  as  soon  as 
Indians  can  farm  them.  Make  them  inalienable 
and  non-taxable  for  a  time.  Sell  the  surplus  lands 
for  the  benefit  of  the  tribe. 

ELSEWHERE  grant  government  lands  in  severalty  (on 
same  terms)  to  all  Indians  who  can  cultivate  them. 

CITIZENSHIP. 

Give  citizenship  to  all  self-supporting  Indians  who  ask  it. 

The  foregoing  platform  embraces  the  principal  points  of  the 
proposed  plan  for  the  gradual  civilization  and  ultimate  absorp 
tion  of  the  Indians,  and  it  is  condensed  into  a  few  generaliza 
tions  in  order  that  it  may  be  read  .and  comprehended  without 
the  necessity  of  reading  this  paper. 

For  those  who  care  to  consider  the  matter  somewhat  more  in 
detail — and  yet,  merely  by  way  of  suggestion,  rather  than  argu 
ment  or  elaboration — the  different  points  will  be  referred  to  in 
the  order  in  which  they  occur  in  the  platform  of  principles. 

GOOD  FAITH. 

This  first  point  embraces  all  the  others.  Its  observance  would 
produce  that  radical  change  which  is  imperatively  required  of 
the  Federal  Government — that  it  keep  its  plighted  faith,  so  that 


INDIAN  TERRITORY.  71 

the  promises  made  to  the  Indians  to  last  "  while  water  runs  " 
and  "  grass  grows  "  shall  be  fulfilled. 

This  Nation  must  first  learn  to  be  honest  itself,  before  it  can 
hope  to  civilize  the  savage. 

And  not  only  must  the  Government's  promises  be  kept,  but 
they  must  be  fulfilled  promptly  and  at  the  time  agreed  on. 

Much  blood  and  treasure  has  been  lost  through  the  inexcusa 
ble  delays  in  Congressional  appropriations,  and  often  by  that 
body  entirely  failing — for  a  time,  or  permanently — to  pay  sums 
required  by  the  National  engagements. 

As  to  all  fixed  liabilities  of  the  Government  to  the  Indians, 
this  difficulty  could,  for  the  future,  be  avoided  by  a  general 
statute,  making  all  such  sums  permanent  appropriations,  and 
payable  out  of  the  Treasury,  at  the  stipulated  times  without 
further  legislation. 

INDIAN  TERRITORY. 

The  title  of  the  Indians  to  the  Indian  Territory,  and  the 
condition  of  the  civilized  tribes  have  already  been  considered  in 
detail. 

In  concisely  explaining  the  principles  enunciated  in  the  pro 
posed  platform,  it  only  remains  to  touch  briefly  on  the  impor 
tance  of  the  following  injunctions,  viz : 

To  keep  all  intruders  out  of  the  Territory. 

To  continue  the  self-government  of  the  civilized  tribes,  and 
to  let  them  regulate  their  own  tenure. 

The  first  proposition  is  self-evident,  and  the  Government  has 
shown  a  firm  determination  to  adhere  to  it.  Nevertheless  those 
seeking  to  open  the  Territory,  are  untiring  in  their  efforts,  and 
whether  it  takes  the  rude  shape  of  a  band  of  desperadoes  openly 
trespassing,  or  the  more  insidious  form  of  helping  to  civi 
lize  (?)  the  Indians  by  means  of  railroad  enterprises,  or  Okla- 
hama  bills,  a  never-ending  struggle  is  going  on,  the  object  of 
which  is  to  rob  the  Indians  of  the  remains  of  their  once  great 
heritage. 

No  less  important  is  it  to  continue  the  self-government  of  the 


72  PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 

civilized  tribes.  "What  this  self-government  really  is,  the  reader 
has  seen.  Any  attacks  upon  their  autonomy  would  be  as  disas 
trous  to  them  as  similar  encroachments  would  be  on  white 
citizens,  were  they  made  in  the  States  of  the  Union. 

In  regard  to  land  tenure,  the  condition  of  the  aborigines  in 
the  Indian  Territory  is  widely  different  from  that  in  which  they 
are  found  on  reservations.  Of  course  everywhere  tenure  in 
severalty  must  be  inculcated,  urged  and  effected  at  the  earliest 
moment.  But  in  the  Territory  all  the  details  of  time  and  man 
ner  of  making  this  radical  change,  should  be  left  to  the  Indians 
themselves.  Their  views  are  well  expressed  by  Pleasant  Por 
ter  on  page  2  of  this  paper. 

LAW. 

On  the  reservations  there  is  practically  no  law.  This  state  of 
things  has  been  brought  about  by  Congress,  and  the  continuance 
thereof  with  its  full  knowledge — notwithstanding  the  repeated 
admonitions  of  successive  Executives — shows  how  impervious 
that  body  is  to  the  claims  of  humanity,  except  where  they  can 
be  made  a  pretext  for  partizanship,  or  where  an  overwhelming 
pressure  from  without  compels  it  to  remedy  an  evil. 

On  the  reservations  the  Federal  Government  has  practically 
broken  up  the  tribal  relation — in  so  far  as  it  can  be  successfully 
used  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property — and  yet  has  sub 
stituted  nothing  in  its  place. 

It  seems  incredible,  yet  is  nevertheless  true,  that  Congress, 
well  knowing  the  fact,  leaves  these  people  year  after  year  with 
out  the  restraints  and  coercions  of  law,  and  then  wonders  that 
peace  and  order  do  not  prevail. 

What  would  be  the  condition  of  any  civilized  State  if  it  were 
without  either  courts  or  police? 

If  no  offences  could  be  punished,  and  no  contracts  be  en 
forced,  if  in  fact  the  people  were  as  they  are  on  the  reservations 
— living  in  a  state  of  nature  ? 

Withdraw  the  machinery  of  government  for  even  a  short 
time  in  any  of  the  large  cities,  and  the  result  would  be  appal 
ling. 


LAW.  73 

Bishop  Hare  has  well  said :  * 

"  But  much  as  there  is  to  encourage  effort  in  behalf  of  the 
Indians,  one  evil  results  from  their  contact  with  civilization  so 
malign,  that  one  sometimes  questions  whether  the  evil  which 
civilization  has  brought,  is  not  greater  than  the  good.  Civili 
zation  has  loosened,  in  some  places  broken,  the  bonds  which 
regulate  and  hold  together  Indian  society  in  its  wild  state,  and 
has  failed  to  give  the  people  law,  and  officers  of  justice  in  their 
place.  This  evil  still  continues  unabated.  Women  are  brutally 
beaten  and  outraged  ;  men  are  murdered  in  cold  blood ;  the  In 
dians  who  are  friendly  to  schools  and  churches  are  intimidated, 
and  preyed  upon  by  the  evil-disposed  ;  children  are  molested  on 
their  way  to  school ;  and  schools  are  dispersed  by  bands  of  vaga 
bonds,  but  there  is  no  redress.  This  accursed  condition  of 
things  is  an  outrage  upon  the  One  Law-giver.  It  is  a  disgrace 
to  our  land.  It  should  make  every  man  who  sits  in  the  National 
Hall  of  legislation  blush.  And  wish  well  to  the  Indians  as  we 
may,  and  do  for  them  what  we  will,  the  efforts  of  civil  agents, 
teachers  and  missionaries,  are  like  the  struggles  of  drowning 
men  weighted  with  lead,  so  long  as,  by  the  absence  of  law,  In 
dian  society  is  left  without  a  base." 

This  subject  has  time  after  time  and  year  after  year  been 
pressed  upon  the  attention  of  Congress,  and  that  body,  as  in 
other  cases,  has  very  diligently  investigated,  and  printed,  and 
reported,  and  has  done — nothing  ! 

It  would  be  wholly  impracticable  to  meet  this  difficulty  by 
extending  the  general  statutes  of  the  United  States  over  the 
reservations.  This  crude  idea  has  been  several  times  urged,  but, 
fortunately,  never  adopted. 

What  is  wanted  is  to  confer  magisterial  powers  on  the  civil 
agents  of  the  Government  to  such  an  extent  and  under  such 
restrictions  as  their  peculiar  situation  requires.  Their  jurisdic 
tion  should  be  both  civil  and  criminal.  Besides  this,  their 
administrative  functions  should  be  defined  and  regulated  by 
law. 

Large  discretionary  powers  should  be  vested  in  the  Secretary 

*  Fifth  Annual  Report. 


74  PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 

(subject  to  the  President's  approval),  and  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  civil  agents  be  regulated  by  him  to  suit  the  wants  of 
particular  reservations. 

It  would  be  well,  in  such  cases  as  the  Secretary  might  think 
proper,  to  establish  an  advisory  native  council  to  assist  the  civil 
agents,  as  in  this  way  the  leading  natives  would  gradually  be 
educated  in  self-government.  To  some  extent  their  own  prim 
itive  notions  and  their  own  tribal  administration  might,  perhaps, 
be  utilized. 

But  the  whole  machinery  must  be  very  flexible,  so  that  the 
law,  to  some  extent,  and  its  methods,  may  be  moulded  to  meet 
the  exigencies  of  the  situation.  Only  the  general  outline  should 
be  defined  by  statute  ;  the  administration  must  be  left,  un 
trammelled,  to  one  responsible  head. 

INDIVIDUALIZE  PUNISHMENT. 

Another  thing  which  the  Government  must  learn,  is  to  dis 
criminate  in  punishment. 

Punish  individual  offenders — Indians  and  whites — instead  of, 
as  has  been  the  custom,  letting  things  alone  until  lawlessness  cul 
minates  in  some  great  crime,  when  the  whole  tribe,  guilty  and 
innocent  alike,  are  compelled  to  suffer  terrible  wrongs  for  the 
misdeeds  of  a  few  of  their  number. 

The  custom  of  making  an  entire  band  or  tribe  responsible  for 
the  misdeeds  of  its  individual  members,  is  pernicious  to  the  last 
degree ;  and  if  the  Government  would  enact  suitable  laws  for 
the  preservation  of  life  and  property  on  the  reservations,  there 
would  be  neither  necessity  nor  excuse  for  this  clumsy  mode  of 
enforcing  order. 

Aside  from  the  gross  injustice  of  holding  the  innocent 
liable  for  the  acts  of  the  guilty,  and  the  discouragement  of 
individual  effort  in  a  right  direction,  this  system  has  been 
a  most  lamentable  failure.  Sometimes  the  Indians  like  their 
white  neighbors,  have  no  inclination  to  give  up  their  guilty 
brother,  but  oftener  they  are  unable  to  do  so. 

Much  blood  has  been  wasted  in  fruitless  efforts  to  administer 


LAW.  75 

justice  in  this  way.  Witness  the  Sioux  war  1851-2-3.  This 
it  has  been  shown,  resulted  from  a  refusal  to  receive  compensa 
tion  for  a  Mormon's  cow  which  had  been  stolen  and  eaten. 
A  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  thief  being  persisted  in  and 
evaded,  the  Indians  were  fired  on,  and  thus  .began  a  three 
years'  war,  which  was  not  only  disgraceful  but  cost  the  gov 
ernment  $35,000,000.  The  maintenance  of  this  system  is  a 
great  drawback  to  civilization,  and  it  should  cease  at  once. 

The  mistake  which  the  government  makes  in  punishing  the 
tribe  for  the  crimes  of  its  members,  is  only  equalled  by  another 
blunder  at  .the  opposite  extreme,  namely,  the  forgiveness  of  an 
entire  tribe  without  making  an  example  of  the  offenders.  In 
other  words,  whether  the  government  punishes  or  forgives,  it  is 
all  the  same,  guilty  and  innocent  are  treated  exactly  alike. 

It  is  impossible  to  imagine  anything  more  pernicious,  and 
while  this  system  continues  there  is  absolutely  no  incentive  to 
good  behavior.  When  there  is  mischief  brewing  those  who 
stand  aloof,  get  the  ill-will  of  their  fellows  without  obtaining 
the  good- will  of  the  government.* 

INDIAN   POLICE. 

Every  reservation  should  have  a  native  police  force.  This 
has  already  proven  to  be  a  very  valuable  auxiliary  in  protecting 
life  and  property  on  the  reservations. 

It  is  a  novel  branch  of  the  Indian  service,  and  has  been  suc 
cessfully  established,  notwithstanding  strenuous  opposition  both 
from  the  Indians  and  whites.  The  Indians  looked  upon  the 
service  with  mingled  feelings  of  suspicion  and  contempt.  The 

*Lieutenant  Wood,  in  a  recent  paper  "  Our  Indian  Question" — "  Journal  of 
Military  Service  Institution,"  vol.  II,  No.  6,  p.  177,  says : 

"  I  suggest  that  some  plan  be  devised  for  invariably  punishing  rebellious 
Indians.  Let  the  method  in  which  they  have  conducted  the  war  be  considered 
in  mitigation  or  aggravation.  Let  them  be  deprived  of  the  implements  of  war 
and  hunting.  Let  them  be  isolated  from  their  old  surroundings  and  compelled 
under  proper  instruction  to  engage  in  civilized  pursuits  as  convicts,  not  as 
prisoners  of  course,  the  mass  must  be  at  large. 

"I  have  seen  this  theory  in  practice  on  a  small  scale,  and  it  was  highly1  success 
ful.  *  *  *  Somewhere  on  the  151,000,000  acres  of  Indian  lands  place 
could  be  founed  for  the  instruction  of  Indian  convicts  who  had  forfeited  some  of 
their  rights," 


76  PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY 

members  of  the  force  were  considered  in  the  light  of  domestic 
spies,  and  the  young  men  were  dissuaded  from  enlisting. 

Many  whites,  both  civilians  and  soldiers,  were  opposed  to 
the  idea  of  training  and  arming  Indians  as  a  very  dangerous 
experiment,  of  •  which  the  Government  might  soon  have  cause  to 
repent. 

Happily  both  sides  must  now  be  convinced  that  they  were  in 
the  wrong. 

The  experiment  has  proved  an  entire  success,  the  suspicion  of 
the  Indians  and  the  fears  of  the  whites  have  alike  proved  to  be 
groundless.  • 

The  service  is  now  popular  with  the  natives.  It  is  fully  or 
ganized  at  thirty-seven  agencies,  and  numbers  nearly  eight  hun 
dred  men.  The  captains  and  lieutenants  hold  commissions 
signed  by  the  Secretary  and  the  Indian  Commissioners.  The 
sergeants  receive  warrants  of  appointment  from  the  Agent. 
This  branch  of  the  service  is  in  the  infancy  of  its  usefulness. 
It  is  destined  to  play  an  important  part  in  the  final  civilization 
of  the  reservation  Indians. 

CIVILIAN  ADMINISTRATION. 
INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

The  bayonet  is  no  civilizer.  And  yet,  in  the  face  of  an  over 
whelming  array  of  facts,  and  notwithstanding  the  oft- recorded 
evidence  of  the  incompetency  that  has  characterized  military 
Indian  administration,  a  persistent  effort  has  for  years  been 
made  to  again  give  the  control  of  Indian  affairs  to  the  War 
Department. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  advocating  civilian  Indian 
administration,  it  is  not  pretended  that  the  Interior  Department 
has  been  conspiciously  successful,  nor  is  it  thought,  for  a 
moment,  that  the  army  can  be  dispensed  with.  Such  is  not  the 
case. 

As  to  troops,  there  must  be  at  all  seasons,  and  for  many  years 
to  come,  an  ample  military  force,  particularly  mounted  men,  so 
distributed  at  a  few  strategic  points,  that  the  Government  may 


INDIAN  DEPARTMENT.  77 

be  able,  at  a  moment's  notice,  to  immediately  enforce  its  com 
mands  both  upon  hostile  Indians  and  intruding  whites. 

FORMER  INDIAN  ADMINISTRATION. 

COLONIAL  PERIOD. 

In  order  to  determine  what  ought  to  be  the  policy  of  the 
future,  it  is  necessary  to  study  the  lesson  of  the  past. 
During  the  Colonial  period  each  colony  acted  for  itself. 

CONFEDERATION. 

Under  the  Confederation  the  general  government — such  as  it 
was — managed,  or  rather,  mismanaged,  Indian  affairs. 

In  1775,  Congress  created  three  Departments  of  Indian  Af 
fairs — Northern,  Middle,  Southern. 

A  Board  of  Commissioners  was  organized  for  each  Depart 
ment. 

The  object  of  this  was  not  to  help  the  Indians,  but  to  prevent 
them  joining  the  English. 

FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT. 

In  1785,  Congress  passed  "  An  ordinance  for  the  regulation 
of  Indian  affairs." 

Two  districts  were  provided  for — Northern  and  Southern — 
with  a  Superintendent  for  each,  who  was  to  act  in  conjunction 
with  the  State  authorities  !  All  business  was  to  be  transacted 
at  the  military  posts. 

In  1787,  the  States  were  authorized  to  appoint  Commissioners, 
They,  in  conjunction  with  the  Federal  Superintendents,  made 
treaties. 

These  Federal  Superintendents  were  placed  under  the  control 
of  the  War  Department,  so  that  the  military  arm  governed  the 
Indians  as  early  as  1787. 

After  this  time,  the  War  Department  made  treaties  and  also 
disbursed  the  Indian  appropriations  and  annuities. 

In  carrying  out  the  duties  thus  imposed  on  the  War  Depart 
ment,  the  officers  of  the  regular  army  were  employed  by  the 
Department.  In  some  cases,  civilians  were  selected  for  duty? 


78  PROPOSED  INDIAN  POLICY. 

but  this  was  only  in  rare  instances.     The  almost  universal  rule 
was  to  employ  the  regular  army  officers  and  no  others. 

After  the  lapse  of  more  than  a  generation,  let  it  be  seen  what 
the  War  Department  thought  of  itself  as  an  administrator  of 
Indian  affairs. 

THE   WAR   DEPARTMENT   ON   ITSELF. 

In  1826,  Hon.  James  Barbour,  then  Secretary  of  War,  in  an 
official  letter  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Indian  Committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  used  the  following  language  : 

"The  suggestions  of  policy  or  necessity  should  no  longer 
stifle  the  claims  of  justice  and  humanity.  It  is  now,  therefore, 
that  the  most  solemn  question  addresses  itself  to  the  American 
people,  and  whose  answer  is  full  of  responsibility.  Shall  we  go 
on  quietly  in  a  course  which,  judging  from  the  past,  threatens  their 
(Indians')  extinction,  while  their  past  sufferings  and  future  pros 
pects  so  pathetically  appeal  to  our  compassion  ?  *  *  It  is  the 
province  of  history  to  commit  to  its  pages  the  transactions  of 
nations.  *  *  But  she  performs  her  province  with  impartiality. 
*  *  The  tyrant  and  the  oppressor  see  in  the  character  of  their 
prototypes  the  sentence  posterity  is  preparing  for  them.  Which 
side  of  the  picture  shall  ice  elect?  for  the  decision  is  left  to  our 
selves.  Shall  the  record  transmit  the  present  race  to  future 
generations  as  standing  by,  insensible  to  the  progress  of  the  deso 
lation  which  threatens  the  remnant  of  this  people ;  or  shall  these 
unfriendly  characters  give  place  to  a  generous  effort  which  shall 
have  been  made  to  save  them  from  destruction  ?  While  de 
liberating  on  this  solemn  question,  I  would  appeal  to  that  High 
Providence,  whose  delight  is  justice  and  mercy,  and  take  counsel 
from  the  records  of  His  will,  revealed  to  man  in  His  terrible 
denunciation  against  the  oppressor." 

In  another  part  of  this  report,  the  Secretary  said : 

"  The  history  of  the  past  presents  but  little  on  which  the 
recollection  lingers  with  satisfaction." 

And  again: 

"  The  future  is  not  more  cheering,  unless  resort  be  speedily 
had  to  other  counsels  than  those  by  which  we  have  heretofore 
been  governed." 


REMOVALS.  79 

WAR  DEPARTMENT — REMOVALS. 

But  Georgia  and  other  States  continued  an  unrelenting  perse 
cution  of  the  Indians,  and  finally— May  30,  1830— Congress 
passed  an  Act  providing  for  a  general  removal  of  Indians  be 
yond  the  Mississippi.  The  War  Department  had  full  charge  of 
the  removals. 

For  gross  incompetency,  for  glaring  abuses,  for  cruel  and  un 
necessary  sufferings  imposed  upon  these  unfortunate  exiles  by 
the  lack  of  ability  or  of  desire  to  mitigate  their  condition — or 
both — displayed  by  the  War  Department,  the  history  of  the 
United  States  is  without  a  parallel. 

For  a  succession  of  years  the  War  Department  continued  to 
remove  the  Indians  to  Missouri  and  Arkansas.  The  story  of 
one  removal  is  the  story  of  all.  Throughout  the  entire  undertak 
ing  there  was  the  same  incompetency  in  the  Department  and  the 
same  needless  sufferings  by  the  Indians.  The  loss  of  life  was 
appalling. 

CONGRESS   INVESTIGATES   THE   WAR   DEPARTMENT,    1832. 

In  consequence  of  a  growing  public  sentiment,  Congress  in 
1832,  ordered  an  investigation  to  be  made  into  the  conduct  of 
Indian  Affairs  by  the  War  Department.  The  committee  re 
ported  to  Congress  that  the  War  Department's  management  of 
the  Indians  was  "expensive,  inefficient  and  irresponsible."  In 
consequence  of  this  report,  Congress  in  the  same  year,  (1832) 
created  the  office  of  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  in 
1834  they  followed  this  up  by  "  an  act  to  provide  for  the  organi 
zation  of  the  Department  of  Indian  Affairs." 

The  acts  of  1832  and  1834  were  passed  in  view  of  the  gross 
incompetency  of  the  War  Department.  The  President  was 
thereby  vested  with  the  power  to  prescribe  rules  and  regulations 
to  carry  out  these  statutes. 

On  November  8,  1836,  President  Jackson  performed  (?)  this 
important  duty  by  referring  the  subject  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
that  official  being  then  directed  to  "  immediately  revise  the  ex 
isting  regulations,  and  prescribe  a  new  set  as  to  the  mode  in 
which  business  shall  be  done  by  the  Commissioner  adapted  to 


80  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

the  present  condition  and  duties  of  the  office."  The  War  De 
partment  was  charged  with  the  task  of  reforming  itself!  Then, 
as  now,  it  frankly  admitted  its  own  entire  fitness,  not  only  to 
manage  the  Indians  but  also  to  reform  itself. 

In  three  days  the  then  Secretary  of  "War  solved  the  problem, 
(resulting  from  more  than  a  generation  of  Locompetency  and 
abuse  in  the  War  Department,)  issued  and  immediately  put 
in  force  the  revised  regulations.  Naturally  the  new  revised  reg 
ulations  continued  the  Indians  nominally  under  the  War  De 
partment  and  the  President,  but  actually  under  the  War  De 
partment  alone,  the  President's  supervision  being  merely  perfunc 
tory.  The  whole  object  of  the  acts  of  1832  and  1834  was  thus 
frustrated  by  the  action  of  President  Jackson,  under  the  pre 
tence  of  exercising  the  powers  conferred  upon  him  by  those  acts. 

When  one  recalls  his  Indian  *  record  and  his  coarse,  lawless 
instincts,  f  nothing  else  could  well  have  been  expected. 

SECOND   INVESTIGATION. 

In  1842  a  Congressional  committee  again  reported : 
"The  evidence  is  submitted  as  to  the  general  management  and 
condition  of  Indian  affairs.  It  exhibits  an  almost  total  want  of 
method  and  punctuality,  equally  unjust  to  the  government  and 
the  tribes  to  whom  we  have  voluntarily  assumed  obligations 
which  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  disregard.  It  will  be  seen  that 
the  accounts  of  millions  of  expenditures  have  been  so  loosely  kept 
as  scarcely  to  furnish  a  trace  or  explanation  of  large  sums,  and 
that  others  have  been  misapplied  so  as  to  impose  serious  losses  on 
the  Indians,  and  heavy  responsibility  on  the  government ;  that  in 
some  books  (the  only  record  of  these  accounts)  no  entries  have  been 


*When  the  Senate  Committee  made  a  scathing  report  on  his  conduct  in  the 
Seminole  war,  he  publicly  threatened  to  cut  off  the  Senators'  ears  ! 

t  Witness  his  cold-blooded  murder  of  Dickinson  in  a  duel  growing  out  of  a 
projected  horse-race.  Jackson  withheld  his  shot,  then,  aiming  slowly  at  his 
helpless  victim,  pulled  the  trigger.  It  stopped  at  half-cock.  He  paused  again, 
slowly  aimed,  and  shot  Dickinson  through  the  bowels.  He  died  before  his  young 
wife  reached  him.  Jackson  concealed  his  own  wound  for  the  avowed  purpose 
that  Dickinson  might  die  unsatisfied.  At  citizens'  request,  the  local  paper  going 
into  mourning,  Jackson  resented  it,  and  demanded  the  publication  of  their 
names. 


AEMY  MANAGEMENT.  81 

made  for  a  period  of  several  years,  and  that  where  entries  have 
been  made,  the  very  clerks  who  kept  them,  could  not  state  an 
account  .from  them." 

And  yet  Congress  made  no  change ! 

The  disbursements  continued  to  be  made  as  before.  The 
money  due  to  a  tribe  was  paid  to  its  Chiefs  without  any  safe 
guard  looking  towards  its  proper  distribution,  Thus  false  and 
unfounded  claims  were  paid,  and  the  Indians  grossly  cheated 
out  of  their  dues.  Through  direct  bribery  by  contractors  and 
others,  Chiefs  were  induced  to  acknowledge  large  and  unfounded 
claims  against  their  tribes.  It  was  stated  in  one  of  the  reports 
by  the  Congressional  Committee  of  1879,  referring  to  the  War 
Department's  management  at  this  period :  "  The  money  annui 
ties  were  frequently  paid  to  parties  holding  national  obligations 
against  the  tribe,  which  consisted  of  evidences  of  indebtedness 
obtained  from  the  Chiefs  by  traders  and  other  enterprising  per 
sons,  and  frequently  in  such  large  sums  as  to  absorb  the  whole 
amount  due  the  tribe." 

But  at  last  Congress  again  took  up  what  it  had  attempted  to 
do  in  1832-4.  It  effectually  reorganized  the  Indian  Bureau, 
and,  mindful  of  the  result  of  leaving  important  duties  to  be  car 
ried  out  by  the  President  in  his  own  way,  in  1849  Congress 
placed  the  Indians  under  the  control  of  the  Secretary  of  the  In 
terior. 

RECENT    CONGRESSIONAL,   ACTION,    1867-1879. 

This  question  was  fully  considered  in  1867  by  a  joint  com 
mittee  of  Congress. 

In  their  report  after  stating  the  arguments  for  and  against  the 
transfer,  very  fairly,  they  say :  "  Weighing  this  matter  and  all 
the  arguments  for  and  against  the  proposed  change,  your  com 
mittee  are  unanimously  of  the  opinion  that  the  Indian  Bureau 
should  remain  where  it  is." 

And  again  in  1868,  the  Sioux  Commission  reported  against 
transferring  the  Indian  Bureau  to  the  War  Department. 

In  1879  another  effort  was  made,  and  the  joint  committee 
submitted  two  reports,  one  against  the  transfer,  and  the  other 
favoring  it.  It  is  proposed  to  consider  the  1879  reports  in  some 
detail.  6 


82  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 


For  the  military  view,  the  testimony  oi  General  Sherman  may 
be  taken. 

It  is  important  to  understand  General  Sherman  personally  as 
well  as  his  views.  The  latter  are  expressed  in  a  letter  to  the 
committee,  and  in  his  oral  examination. 

The  reader,  on  learning  General  Sherman's  views,  will  be 
struck  with  the  peculiar  earnestness  with  which  he  advocates 
turning  the  Indians  over  to  the  army,  although  he  at  the  same 
time  avows  his  dislike  to  the  Indian  service.  It  is  a  sense  of 
duty  moves  him.  He  candidly  admits  his  own  ability.  This 
self-abnegation  in  General  Sherman  is  as  striking  as  the  im 
personality  which  marks  his  letter  and  testimony.  It  naturally 
recalls  his  recent  unselfish  utterances  when,  in  view  of  the  pro 
posed  creation  of  a  Captain-Generalcy  for  General  Grant, 
General  Sherman  wrote  a  communication  to  the  public  (called  a 
letter  to  some  private  friend),  in  which  he  pronounced  the  army 
to  be  top-heavy.  At  the  same  time  the  General  admitted  the 
propriety  of  keeping  himself  at  the  top  of  the  top-heavy 
body,  and  avowed  his  willingness  to  continue  to  sacrifice  him 
self  in  this  way  for  his  country.  Thus,  in  his  opinion,  it 
was  unnecessary  to  provide  for  General  Grant. 

Now,  let  General  Sherman  .speak  and  let  the  facts  and  his 
own  words  answer  him. 

The  reader  who  remembers  the  disgraceful  treatment  of  the 
Piecrans  and  of  Black  Kettle's  bands  and  other  similar  atroci- 

o 

ties,  need  not  be  told  what  was  General  Sherman's  animus 
towards  the  Indians,  particularly  the  Sioux.  His  first  expres 
sion  of  opinion  at  this  time  (1879)  is  contained  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  committee,  through  its  chairman,  who  had 
called  at  the  army  headquarters  to  see  General  Sherman. 

There  are  some  marked  peculiarities  in  this  letter.  The  com- 
mitteehad  been  months  taking  testimony,  and  were  in  no  danger 
of  closing  suddenly.  But  General  Sherman  mentions  in  this 
letter  that  he  was  obliged  to  go  that  same  day  to  Baltimore 
and  would  return  to  Washington  the  next  day,  and  could  be  ex 
amined  later,  "meantime,  /submit  this  letter." 


THE  ARMY.  83 

General  Sherman's  peculiar  constitution  is  such  that  in  the 
few  moments  remaining  until  train  time  he  undertook  to  give 
his  views  on  Indian  affairs  to  a  Congressional  committee  Most 
men  would  have  preferred  not  to  write  a  letter,  but  would  rather 
have  expressed  themselves  orally. 

This  letter  covers  one  page  and  a  half  of  printed  matter.  In 
this  authoritative,  condensed  synopsis  of  Indian  history  and 
policy  of  one  and  a  half  pages,  three  paragraphs  are  personal, 
viz.,  the  first  and  last  referring  to  General  Sherman's  contem 
plated  trip  to  Baltimore  and  return,  and  the  second  paragraph 
which  discloses  to  the  Committee  the  important  admission  that 
there  is  no  personal  antagonism  between  Mr.  Schurz  and  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  and  patronizingly  gives  the  Secretary  and  Com 
missioner  the  benefit  of  General  Sherman's  belief  in  their  good 
intentions. 

A  considerable  portion  of  what  remains  is  devoted  to  the 
personal  pronoun — "  I,"  "  me/'  "  my,"  together,  occur  twenty- 
seven  times  in  the  page  and  a  half. 

What  is  left  is  devoted  to  the  Indians  generally,  to  the 
demonstration  of  the  necessity  of  turning  them  over  to  the  War 
Department ;  to  a  candid  admission  of  the  army's  qualifications, 
and  its  willingness  to  sacrifice  itself  to  the  Indian  service ;  to  lau 
dation  of  the  army,  and  to  a  fling  at  the  "cant"  of  the  civilians. 

Understanding  the  War  Department's  principal  witness,  his 
impartiality  and  impersonality,  let  the  reader  consider  the 
grounds  urged  by  him  in  favor  of  a  transfer. 

SHERMAN  VS.  SHERMAN. 

Now,  this  1879  letter  of  General  Sherman  advocates  turning 
the  Indians  over  to  the  War  Department.  Yet,  in  1868,  the 
Sioux  Commission,  of  which  General  Sherman  was  a  member, 
with  his  knowledge  and  consent,  reported  against  the  War 
Department.  The  following  extract  is  given  from  their  report : 

"This  brings  us  to  consider  the  much  mooted  question 
whether  the  Bureau  should  belong  to  the  civil  or  military  de 
partment  of  the  Government.  To  determine  this  properly,  we 
must  first  know  what  is  to  be  the  future  treatment  of  the 


84  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

Indians.  If  we  intend  to  have  war  with  them  the  Bureau 
should  go  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  If  we  intend  to  have 
peace  it  should  be  in  the  civil  department. 

"  Under  the  plan  we  have  suggested,  the  chief  duties  of  the 
Bureau  will  be  to  educate  and  instruct  in  the  peaceful  arts,  in 
other  words,  to  civilize,  the  Indians.  The  military  arm  of  the 
Government  is  not  the  most  admirably  adapted  to  discharge 
duties  of  this  character.  We  have  the  highest  possible  appre 
ciation  of  the  officers  of  the  army  and  fully  recognize  their 
proverbial  integrity  and  honor,  but  we  are  satisfied  that  not  one 
in  a  thousand  would  like  to  teach  Indian  children  to  read  and 
write,  or  Indian  men  to  sow  and  reap.  These  are  emphatically 
civil  and  not  military  occupations." 

Nothing  could  be  better  said.  But  General  Sherman  is  on 
record  on  both  sides  of  this  question,  and  he  may  be  considered 
as  at  a  sort  of  stand-off  with  himself. 

Again  in  this  1879  letter  General  Sherman  writes  : 

"  Now,  to  me  it  is  matter  of  demonstration  that  at  the  present 
time,  and  for  years  to  come,  the  Indian  Bureau  of  itself,  with 
out  the  help  of  the  army,  cannot  maintain  in  peace  the  large 
tribes  of  Indians." 

Of  course,  the  army  is  necessary  in  case  of  actual  outbreaks, 
but  it  is  begging  the  question  to  assume  from  this  that  the  army 
must  manage  the  Indians  in  time  of  peace. 

SECRETARY  SCHURZ's   ANSWER. 

The  actual  relation  of  the  army  to  the  Indians,  at  the  very 
time  of  General  Sherman's  letter,  is  stated  by  Secretary  Schurz 
in  his  testimony  before  this  committee,  heretofore  quoted,  and 
in  his  contemporaneous  report  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  as 
appears  from  the  following  quotation : 

"  It  is  believed  by  many  that  the  normal  condition  of  the 
Indians  is  turbulence  and  hostility  to  the  whites ;  that  the 
principal  object  of  an  Indian  policy  must  be  to  keep  the  Indians 
quiet,  and  that  they  can  be  kept  quiet  only  by  the  constant 
presence  and  pressure  of  force.  This  is  an  error.  Of  the 
seventy-one  Indian  agencies,  there  are  only  eleven  which  have 


THE  ARMY.  85 

military  posts  in  their  immediate  vicinity,  ana  lourteen  with  a 
military  force  within  one  to  three  days'  march.  Of  the  252,000 
Indians  in  the  United  States,  there  have  been,  since  the  pacifi 
cation  of  the  Sioux,  at  no  time  more  than  a  few  hundred  in 
hostile  conflict  with  the  whites.  Neither  does  it  appear  that 
such  partial  disturbances  have  been  provoked  by  the  absence  or 
prevented  by  the  presence  of  a  military  force.  Of  the  four  dis 
turbances  which  have  occurred  within  the  last  two  years,  three 
broke  out  in  the  immediate  presence  of  such  a  military  force 
and  only  one  without  it.  At  this  moment,  a  band  of  less  than 
eight  hundred  Utes  and  another  of  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Indian  maurauders  in  New  Mexico,  in  all  less  than  one 
thousand  of  an  Indian  population  of  a  quarter  of  a  million, 
are  causing  serious  trouble.  In  fact,  the  number  of  white 
desperadoes  who  were,  within  the  last  twelve  months,  banded 
together  in  New  Mexico  for  murder  and  rapine,  was  larger  than 
that  of  the  Indians  recently  on  the  war-path  near  the  southern 
part  of  the  territory/'  He  adds  : 

"  A  very  large  majority  of  the  Indian  reservations  are  in  a 
condition  of  uninterrupted  quiet  without  the  presence  of  a 
coercing  force ;  and  experience  with  equal  significance  shows  that 
the  more  civilized  an  Indian  tribe  becomes,  the  more  certainly 
can  its  peaceable  and  orderly  conduct  be  depended  on.  The  pro 
gress  of  civilization  and  the  maintenance  of  peace  among  the 
Indians  have  always  gone  hand  in  hand." 

General  Sherman  further  tells  the  .committee  : 

"  With  the  lawful  right  to  supervise  these  various  tribes  on 
their  allotted  reservations  and  to  control  the  issues  of  moneys 
and  provisions  provided  liberally  by  Congress,  jTam  sure  the 
army  can  prevent  the  annual  recurrence  of  these  Indian  wars, 
which  have  exhausted  the  patience  of  Generals  Sheridan,  Pope, 
Crook,  etc."  Again  he  writes : 

"My  judgment  is,  that  we  (the  army)  would,  in  most  in 
stances,  foresee  the  cause  of  war  and  nip  it  in  the  bud ;  and, 
therefore,  Indian  wars  would  be  very  rare,  if  not  at  an  end,  on 
anything  like  a  large  scale."  And  again  : 

"  Without  the  army  the  Indian  Bureau  cannot  manage  these 


86  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

Indians ;  and  in  preference  to  being  called  on  in  season  and  out 
of  season,  nearly  always  too  late  to  prevent  trouble,  or  even 
understand  the  cause,  but  after  war  is  actually  begun,  we  prefer 
to  take  the  whole  labor  and  drudgery  of  the  offices  of  Indian 
agents  and  superintendents,  without  one  cent  of  additional 
compensation." 

General  Sherman  aiso  assures  tne  committt. 

"  There  will  be  less  cant  with  the  military  agents  than  with 
the  civil."  And  again  : 

"  It  (transfer)  ought  to  be  a  question  of  national  economy  and 
efficiency,  instead  of  one  of  mere  patronage." 

Another  reason  General  Sherman  gives  the  committee  for  a 
transfer  of  the  Indians  to  the  War  Department  is,  that  the  In 
dians  themselves  desire  it ! 

"  For  wherever  /  have  been,  *  *  and  I  have  seen  a  good 
deal  of  these  Indians,  they  have  begged  me  to  put  an  army  offi 
cer  in  charge  of  their  interests." 


Now  consider  these  allegations  a  little  in  detail. 

Without  stopping  to  calculate  how  important  a  factor  in  the 
Indian  question  may  be  the  "  exhausted  patience  of  General 
Sheridan,"  or  how  long  it  takes  this  unknown  quantity  to  get 
exhausted,  it  will  be  seen  that  General  Sherman  ignores  several 
important  facts. 

It  has  been  shown  that  prior  to  1849,  for  more  than  half  a 
century,  the  War  Department  practically  did  "  supervise  these 
Indians,"  and  did  "  control  the  issues  of  moneys  and  provi 
sions,"  and  although  supposing  there  was  "  less  cant"  under  the 
military  agents,  yet  nevertheless,  the  army  did  not  "  prevent 
the  annual  recurrence  of  these  Indian  wars,"  and  besides  the 
army  did  not  wholly  or  partially  civilize  any  tribe,  or  any  con 
siderable  part  thereof,  and  the  army  did  not  in  any  way  improve 
either  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  or  the  relations  of  the  Gov 
ernment  with  them. 

Nor  was  the  War  Department  management  a  conspicuous 
example  of  "  national  economy."  General  Sherman  also  ignores 


THE  ARMY.  87 

the  fact  that  it  was  because  the  War  Department  nad  been  re 
peatedly  condemned  as  lacking  all  the  qualities  he  now  claims 
for  it,  after  a  half-century  of  disgraceful  administration 
pronounced  by  Congress,  as  early  as  1832,  "expensive,  ineffi 
cient  and  irresponsible,"  that  finally  in  1849,  its  duties  were 
transferred  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 

Again  General  Sherman's  argument  (!) :  that  because  when  war 
actually  comes  the  army  does  the  fighting,  therefore  they  should 
govern  the  Indians  in  time  of  peace,  is  simply  preposterous. 

The  proposition  would  apply  with  like  force  to  the  other  de 
partments,  and  in  all  governments. 

Because  Von  Moltke  would  have  to  do  the  fighting,  should 
Bismarck  resign  the  Chancellorship  to  him  ? 

To  reach  an  anti-climax.  In  Western  Pennsylvania,  the 
Treasury  was  unable  to  collect  the  whiskey  tax.  There  were 
whiskey-tax  riots  and  the  army  had  to  restore  order. 

Would  anyone  thence  argue  that  the  army  should  become  tax 
collectors,  and  the  Treasury  be  made  a  bureau  of  the  War  De 
partment  ? 

It  is  the  same  with  the  Judiciary.  If  the  Marshal  were  to 
fail  in  enforcing  a  decree  of  the  Federal  courts,  and  troops  were 
employed,  would  it  thence  be  contended  that  their  commander 
should  frame  decrees  instead  of  the  Judge  ? 

But  the  argument  of  General  Sherman  is  puerile,  and  need 
not  be  pursued  farther. 

As  to  the  Indians  wishing  the  transfer,  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  understand  how  even  General  Sherman  could  believe  this, 
yet  he  seems  to  entertain  no  doubt  on  the  subject. 

He  admits  this  fondness  of  the  Indians  for  the  army  as 
frankly  as  he  does  the  entire  fitness  of  the  War  Department  to 
manage  them. 

What  are  the  facts  ? 

WHAT  THE  INDIANS  THINK. 

At  the  very  time  General  Sherman  was  writing  this  letter,  the 
Government  was  in  possession  of  returns  from  the  Indians  on 
the  question  of  transfer,  from  which  it  appears  that  96  per  cent. 


88  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

of  the   entire   Indian  population  was  utterly  opposed  to  being 
put  again  under  the  War  Department. 

Read  what  some  of  the  tribes  then  said,  as  contained  in  the 
vidence  reported  by  the  Congressional  Committee  (1879). 

Their  expressions  of  opinion  against  the  attempted  transfer 
are  very  bitter.  A  few  extracts  will  convey  a  general  idea  of 
their  views : 

"If  the  military  were  again  likely  to  have  control  and  pos 
session  of  San  Carlos  Agency,  the  Indians  would  take  their 
children  in  their  arms  and  go  to  the  mountains." 

The  Pend  d'Oreilles  said:  "Instead  of  soldiers  we  want 
plows,  wagons,  harness,  hoes,  rakes  and  cradles.  By  good  ad 
vice  we  avoided  trouble  last  summer,  when  war  was  almost  in 
our  camp,  *  *  but  force  begets  trouble,  and  a  soldier  would 
rather  force  his  views  with  a  gun  than  talk  them  with  his 
mouth." 

The  Indians  at  Fort  Peck  said  :  "  Our  young  men  are  im 
prudent,  and  often  violent  and  reckless  and  the  presence  of  sol 
diers,  alwa3rs  results  in  violence,  and  broils  among  the  young 
men,  for  which  they  are  treated,  or  punished  harshly  by  military 
authority,  leaving  a  feeling  of  bitterness  which  frequently  re 
sults  years  afterwards,  in  some  violent  transaction  on  their  part 
in  revenge  of  real  or  fancied  wrong,  inflicted  on  them  in  this 
way." 

The  Winnebagoes  say  :  "  The  army  has  been  the  cause  of 
leading  into  warfare  against  the  whites,  and  they  [the  Indians], 
fear  if  transferred  [to  the  War  Department],  it  would  again  lead 
many  from  the  road  of  peace  they  have  fully  adopted.  They 
believe  their  own  advancement  and  future  prosperity,  the  virtue 
of  their  women,  and  the  education  and  training  of  their  child 
ren  will  be  best  secured  under  the  present  management." 

The  Creeks  (or  Muskogees)  embodied  their  views  in  the  follow 
ing  telegraphic  communication  to  the  Joint  Committee : 

MUSKOGEE,  INDIAN  TERRITORY,  \ 
September  25, 1878.     / 

SIR:— Our  National  Council  passed  the  following  preamble  and  resolution 
to-day : 


THE  ARMY.  89 

WHEREAS,  Strenuous  exertions  are  being  made  by  the  enemies  and  mis 
taken  friends  of  the  Indians  to  transfer  the  Indian  Bureau  to  the  War  Depart 
ment;  and 

WHEREAS,  Our  condition  as  a  people  has  always  improved  under  the  peace 
policy,  and  has  always  retrograded  under  a  war  policy,  and 

WHEREAS,  The  idea  of  being  forced  to  have  communication  with  the 
United  States  only  through  a  department  whose  name  is  suggestive  of  subju 
gation,  is  repugnant  to  the  Indian  race.  Therefore,  be  it 

Resolved  by  the  National  Council  of  the  Muskoyee  Nation,  That  in  the  name  of 
the  Creek  people  we  most  emphatically  protest  against  such  transfer. 

(Signed)  WARD  COACHMAN, 

Principal  Chief. 
To  HON.  S.  W.  MARSTON, 

Lindell  Hotel,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

The  reports  from  the  other  tribes  are  in  the  same  strain. 

But  it  is  needless  to  pursue  this  subject  longer.  General 
Sherman's  prejudices,  to  use  a  mild  phrase,  are  all  against  the 
Indians.  He  never  was  known  to  denounce  any  barbarity 
practiced  on  them,  but  on  the  contrary  was  loud  in  praise  of 
more  than  one  causeless  butchery.  Witness  the  brutal  mas 
sacre  "  by  mistake"  of  Black  Kettle's  band,  called  by  the  mili 
tary  the  battle  of  the  Washita.  It  has  been  shown  how  he 
commended  this  heartless  and  disgraceful  act. 

Turn  to  the  Piegan  massacre  by  Colonel  Baker,  and  there  is 
'jbund  nothing  but  laudation  for  this  wanton  and  treacherous  at 
tack  on  a  village  stricken  with  small-pox  ;  an  act,  too,  attended 
with  circumstances  of  cold  blooded  cruelty  not  excelled  in  the 
national  annals. 

The  only  persons  condemned  in  this  affair  by  General  Sher 
man,  were  those  officers  who  made  the  atrocities  known  to  the 
public  without  communicating  their  information  through  him ! 

They  had  forsooth  offended  his  ideas  of  military  etiquette. 
But  the  whole  subject,  so  far  as  General  Sherman's  capacity  of 
judgment  is  concerned,  may  be  tested  by  his  views  of  the  Sioux. 

Nicolet,  whose  researches  were  commended  by  Humboldt,  wrote 
of  them  that  they  were  "the  finest  type  of  wild  men  he  had 
ever  seen." 

And  of  the  Sioux  in  1880,  Bishop  Whipple  wrote  :  "Our 
most  terrible  wars  have  been  with  the  noblest  types  of  the  In- 


90  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 


and  with   men  who  had  been  the  white  man's  friend. 
*       Old  traders  used  to  say  that  it  was  the  boast  of  the 
Sioux  that  they  had  never  taken  the  life  of  a  white  man." 

For  this  same  race,  General  Sherman,  from  out  of  the 
depths  of  his  generous  heart,  can  only  propose  to  the  Nation  this 
damning  sentiment  : 

"  We  must  act  with  vindictive  earnestness  against  the  Sioux, 
even  to  their  extermination,  men,  women  and  children.  Noth 
ing  less  will  reach  the  root  of  the  case." 

ISOLATE  THE  SOLDIERS. 

In  this  connection  a  few  words  may  be  said  in  a  matter  ap 
parently  of  detail,  yet  of  the  very  gravest  importance.  The 
soldiers  at  the  army  posts  stationed  in  the  Indian  country, 
should  be  kept  strictly  isolated  from  the  Indians. 

Doubtless  this  point  need  not  be  elaborated.  The  evil  effects 
to  both  Indians  and  soldiers,  particularly  the  former  of  a  dif 
ferent  policy,  have  been  many  times  deplored  in  reports 
by  Federal  officials,  the  details  of  which  will  convince  the 
most  skeptical  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  strict  isolation 

INDIAN,,  DEPARTMENT. 

The  Indians  should  not  merely  be  under  civilian  administra 
tion,  but  a  separate  Indian  Department,  presided  over  by  a 
Cabinet  officer,  having  no  other  duties,  should  be  created. 

Very  ample  powers  should  be  conferred  upon  the  head  of 
this  Department. 

The  Secretary  should  be  given  ample  power  to  absolutely  de 
stroy  all  traffic  in  liquors  and  to  control  vigorously  the  sale  of 
arms  and  amunition. 

All  privileged  traderships  should  be  abolished  ;  and,  subject  to 
such  regulations  for  their  protection  as  the  Secretary  may  devise, 
the  Indians  should  be  permitted  to  buy  and  sell  from  whom 
they  please  and  when  and  how  they  see  fit. 

PRESIDENT'S  EMERGENCY  POWERS. 

Plenary  emergency  powers  should  be  granted  to  the  Presi 
dent,  so  that  in  case  of  unexpected  complications  of  any  kind, 
he  may  have  such  authority  as  will  enable  him  to  remove  the 


INSPECTIONS.  91 

cause  of  just  complaint,  and  do  whatever  ~-his  judgment  may 
dictate  for  the  preservation  alike  of  Indians  and  settlers, 
being  responsible  to  Congress  for  the  abuse  of  such  exceptional 
powers. 

INSPECTIONS. 

The  importance  of  frequent,  unexpected,  and  independent  in 
spections  of  the  agencies,  and,  indeed,  of  all  branches  of  the 
Indian  service,  cannot  be  over-estimated. 

These  inspections  must  be  frequent,  in  order  to  break  up  any 
growing  abuse  before  it  has  had  time  to  fortify  itself  by  corrupt 
combinations. 

They  must  be  wholly  unexpected,  so  that  the  inspectors  may 
find  things  as  they  really  are,  and  not  as  the  agents  would  want 
them  to  appear  to  be. 

Usually,  an  inspection,  if  not  actually  heralded  in  advance,  is 
at  least  well  known  long  enough  to  frustrate  its  main  object 
where  there  is  anything  to  conceal.  This  unexpectedness  can 
not  be  obtained  as  long  as  the  inspectors  are  a  part  of  the 
Department  staff. 

Another  indispensable  requisite  of  all  inspections  is  that  they 
be  wholly  impartial,  thoroughly  independent,  and  rigidly 
efficient. 

Ic  is  too  plain  for  argument,  that  none  of  these  results  can  be 
obtained  if  the  inspectors  and  the  inspected  all  belong  to  the 
same  official  family  and  are  all  subject  to  the  same  influences, 
both  good  and  bad. 

Only  the  direct  appointees  of  the  President,  well  paid,  and 
selected  wholly  upon  their  merits,  and  because  of  their  peculiar 
fitness  for  the  position,  can  efficiently  inspect  this  branch  of  the 
public  service. 

AGENTS. 

The  powers  and  duties  of  Indian  agents  should  be  carefully 
regulated  by  the  Secretary. 

All  questions  of  policy  should  be  settled  by  him,  and  all 
general  rules  and  regulations  for  the  conduct  of  agents  and  their 
management  of  the  Indians,  should  come  from  the  same  re 
sponsible  head. 


92  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

Whenever  the  peculiar  situation  of  any  tribe  seems  to  require 
some  departure  from  the  general  rules  regulating  the  agents' 
powers  and  duties,  the  want  should  be  made  known  to  the 
Secretary,  and  no  change  be  permitted  which  has  not  his 
previous  sanction. 

In  other  words,  no  individual  experiments  by  theoretical 
agents  should  be  tolerated. 

The  agent,  to  this  extent,  must  sink  his  individuality. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  a  competent 
Indian  agent  should  have  qualities,  both  of  head  and  heart, 
which  are  not  commonly  found  in  Government  employees. 

The  agents  should  practically  hold  office  as  long  as  they  are 
efficient.  They  should  be  paid  liberal  salaries,  varying  accord 
ing  to  the  importance,  the  difficulties,  and  the  requirements  of 
the  respective  agencies,  and  above  all  else  they  should  be  abso 
lutely  free  from  political  or  other  influences. 

The  subordinate  agency  appointments  should  be  made  by  the 
Secretary  and  not  by  the  agent  himself. 

In  this  way  favoritism  will  be  more  readily  avoided,  the 
various  employees  will  be  a  check  on  the  agent  as  he  will  be  on 
them. 

NO  MORE  REMOVALS. 

Remove  no  more  tribes,  except  where  the  soil  and  climate 
absolutely  require  it,  and  the  change  is  voluntary.  Civilize  the 
Indians  where  they  are. 

In  the  case  of  some  reservations,  the  best  interests  of  the 
Indians  may  be  subserved  (when  they  are  ripe  for  it),  by  giving 
them  lands  in  severally,  sufficient  in  quality  and  quantity,  to 
meet  not  only  their  present  wants,  but  also  the  requirements  of 
their  prospective  increase  for  two  or  more  generations,  and  then 
selling  the  rest  of  their  lands  for  their  own  benefit.  The  money 
thus  raised  could  be  used  as  a  fund  for  the  purposes  of  their 
civilization.  Of  course,  this  proposition  has  no  reference  what 
ever  to  the  Indian  territory. 

In  considering  the  question  of  reservations,  it  must  be  borne 
in  mind  that  a  great  part  of  many  of  the  immense  reservations 


NO  REMOVALS.  93 

consists  of  land  not  suitable  for  agriculture,  and  much  of  it  is 
positively  arid. 

Indeed,  it  is  well  known  that  this  fact  accounts  for  the 
apparently  illimitable  generosity  of  the  Government. 

In  some  cases  Federal  officials,  in  submitting  reports  of  pro 
posed  reservations,  have  given  as  a  reason  for  some  large  grants, 
that  the  land  was  valueless  and  no  one  would  want  it ! 

The  absolute  necessity  of  civilizing  the  Indians  where  they 
are  is  demonstrated  not  only  by  considerations  apparent  to  the 
most  superficial  observer,  but  is  confirmed  by  experience. 

Only  when  the  Indian  is,  or  thinks  he  is,  permanently  settled, 
does  he  begin  to  make  any  considerable  advance  in  civilization. 

And  this  is  the  history  of  all  men  in  all  times  and  all  places. 

Of  course,  where  individuals  or  families,  or  parts  of  tribes, 
desire  to  take  up  Government  lands,  and  are  able  to  cultivate 
them,  such  removals  are  to  be  encouraged. 

But  forced  removals  to  accommodate  miners  and  settlers 
should  be  absolutely  prohibited. 

Whites  should  be  excluded  from  the  reservations  and  a  sum 
mary  mode  should  be  provided  for  the  expulsion  of  all 
intruders,  to  be  carried  out  at  once  on  the  spot,  without  waiting 
for  orders  from  Washington. 

EDUCATION. 

It  is  not  necessary  or  profitable  at  this  time  to  indulge  in 
speculations  as  to  the  ultimate  higher  education  of  the  Indians. 

Consider  rather  the  immediate  pressing  necessities  of  the  hour. 

What  is  now  needed,  and  what  is  being  done  to  supply  the 
want  ? 

In  a  single  sentence,  the  Federal  Government  educates  one 
per  centum  of  the  Indian  children,  it  should  educate  them  all. 

This  estimate  of  course,  does  not  include  those  children 
(whether  in  the  five  civilized  tribes  or  on  reservations),  who  are 
being  partially  educated  by  the  expenditure  of  their  own  funds. 

Lieutenant  Wood,  in  his  recent  paper,  "  Our  Indian  Ques 
tion/'  says  : 

"  How  different  is  the  actual  state  of  the  case.     For  a  total 


94  INDIAN  DEPARTMENT. 

Indian  population  of  400,000,  an  estimate  is  made  of  30,000 
school  children,  exclusive  of  those  belonging  to  the  civilized 
tribes  of  the  Indian  territory.  For  these  30,000  children,  121 
schools  are  provided,  of  these  45  are  boarding  schools,  some  let 
out  on  contract — education  to  the  lowest  bidder — and  76  are  day- 
schools.  Some  of  these  schools,  if  not  most  of  them,  are  supported 
oid  of  funds  held  by  the  government  in  trust  for  the  Indians. 
The  maximum  aggregate  accommodation  of  the  boarding  schools 
is  2,009  pupils  per  annum,  of  the  day-schools  4,682;  total 
6,691  Indian  children,  receiving  a  daubing  of  civilization  to  be 
wiped  off  by  the  other  23,309  little  barbarians." 

Among  the  five  civilized  tribes  the  question  is  settling  itself, 
and  the  schools  at  Carlisle  and  Hampton  show  what  can  be  done 
and  done  quickly,  for  Indian  children. 

Captain  Pratt  and  General  Armstrong  have  met  with  great 
and  deserved  success,  in  giving  them  a  practical  industrial  edu 
cation. 

By  education  must  not  be  understood  simbly,  or  even  princi 
pally  letters. 

The  notion  that  the  Indian  question  can  be  solved  by  a  whole 
sale  irruption  of  pedagogues  on  the  reservations  is  a  mistaken  one. 

It  is  important  for  them  to  know  how  to  read  and  write,  but 
it  is  absolutely  necessary  for  them  to  be  taught  how  to  support 
themselves  by  manual  labor. 

To  think  that  the  blanket  Indians  can  be  led  towards  civili 
zation  by  catching  a  few  half-naked  boys,  giving  them  a  colle 
giate  education,  and  then  turning  them  loose  in  their  tribes  "  to 
grow"  is  puerile  in  the  extreme. 

On  this  point  General  Armstrong  has  recently  well  said  : 
"We  must  beware  of  over-education.*  It  would  be  a  blunder, 
if  not,  a  crime,  to  send  the  young  Indians  back  to  their  homes 
with  new  tastes  they  could  not  gratify." 

Before  schools,  other  than  for  manual  labor,  become  really 
effective  with  the  mass  of  the  reservation  Indians,  the  greatest 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  their  civilization  will  have  been  over 
come. 

If  by  some  freak  of  nature  all  Indians  instantly  and  simul- 


EDUCATION.  95 

taneously  became  able  to  "  read,  write  and  cipher,"  the  race 
would  be  no  nearer  to  civilization,  and  no  nearer  to  supplying 
itself  Avith  food,  clothing  and  lodging,  and  no  nearer  to  self- 
government,  than  now. 

No  people  were  ever  taught  how  to  support  and  govern  them 
selves  by  learning  to  read  and  write,  and  none  ever  will  be. 

The  mass  of  humanity  has  passed  away  well  satisfied,  and 
happy  enough,  without  knowing  what  it  lost  in  this  direction. 

Men,  profoundly  ignorant  of  letters,  have  built  cities,  ex 
celled  in  diplomacy,  created  empires,  and  founded  dynasties. 

Teaching  an  Indian  to  read  will  no  more  civilize  him  than 
giving  him  a  quarter  section  of  land  will  make  him  a  farmer. 

What  the  average  reservation  Indian  wants  now,  is  not  so 
much  the  education  of  books,  as  the  education  of  ideas.  Of 
course  it  is  highly  important  to  teach  him  to  read  and  write 
English,  but  this  must  be  subordinated  to  his  being  instructed 
how  to  earn  a  living,  how  to  live  according  to  sanitary  laws, 
what  to  eat  and  how  to  cook  it,  what  to  wear  and  how  to  make 
it,  and  most  of  all  how  to  get  it. 

The  Indians  now  need  cattle  and  plows  more  than  pot-hooks, 
and  trades  more  than  book  learning. 

They  want  to  be  made  to  understand  the  advantages  which 
result  from  such  a  mode  of  life  as  is  incompatible  with  tepees 
and  blankets.  When  they  comprehend  this,  tepees  and  blank 
ets  will  disappear.  Houses  and  clothes  will  follow. 

When  they  reach  that  point  and  have  become  self-sup 
porting,  they  will  become  capable  of  self-government,  and  then 
they  will  already  be  civilized. 

To  this  end  let  the  Federal  Government  establish  on  every 
reservation  boarding  manual-labor  schools,  capable  of  instruct 
ing  all  of  the  Indian  children. 

Inaugurate  this  system  on  the  most  thorough  and  compre 
hensive  basis.  Spare  neither  money  nor  pains. 

With  the  adults  persuasive  means  must  be  used,  for  the  child 
ren  heroic  treatment  is  required.  Compel  every  Indian  child- 
to  attend  the  manual-labor  schools.  In  other  words  grow  no 
more  wild  Indians.  In  one  generation  the  work  is  done.  Give 
them  trades  of  all  kinds,  whether  they  want  them  or  not.  Show 


96  PROPOSED  POLICY. 

them  how  to  be  graziers  and  farmers,  whether  they  appreciate  it 
or  not.  Instruct  the  girls  in  housewifery,  whether  they  ask  it 
or  not. 

A  most  important  point  is  to  raise  the  condition  of  the  In 
dian  women.  Teach  the  boys  and  men  to  consider  the  women 
their  companions  and  equals,  not  their  drudges. 

Above  all  things  make  work  compulsory.  Familiarize  the 
Indians  with  the  social  ideas  of  civilization.  Instil  into  them 
the  notion  of  individual  ownership.  Incline  them  to  look  to 
the  law  for  redress  of  injuries  and  not  to  themselves.  Discour 
age  the  use  of  the  native  tongue.  In  all  these  things  wherever 
possible  employ  Indians,  only  use  whites  when  absolutely  ne 
cessary.  This  is  the  kind  of  education  the  Indians  want  now. 
Secondary  to  these  pressing  essentials,  teach  the  young  In 
dians  all  they  can  learn  as  rapidly  as  they  can  be  benefited 
thereby. 

THE  MEDICINE  MEN. 

The  influence  of  the  Medicine  Man  is  pernicious  in  the  extreme 
He  is  supposed  to  possess  supernatural  gifts,  and  cunningly  works 
on  the  superstitions  of  the  people.  He  knows,  as  well  as  the 
chiefs,  that  with  civilization  his  power  as  well  as  theirs  will 
disappear.  Both,  therefore,  are  indisposed  to  improvement. 
The  medicine  man,  too,  has  another  mode  of  bringing  the 
chiefs  to  his  assistance  in  the  war  against  progress.  Until 
he  pronounces  the  "medicine  good,"  no  expedition  can  be 
undertaken.  He  thus  obtains  a  casting  vote,  and  generally  uses 
it  in  such  a  way  as  to  benefit  himself. 

The  Government,  where  possible,  should  endeavour  to  obtain 
his  aid — this  will  be  very  seldom — failing  that,  he  must  be 
crushed,  as  the  incarnation  of  all  that  is  baleful  in  Indian 
politics. 

LANDS  IN  SEVERALTY. 

Savagery  is  a  state  complete  in  itself.  Even  in  its  most  ad 
vanced  form  it  is  not,  in  any  sense,  an  imperfect  civilization. 
It  is  not  even  in  the  direction  of  civilization,  nor  does  it  lead 


LANDS  IN  SEVERALTY.  97 

to  it.  The  wild  Indian  cannot  be  "  developed  "  into  a  citizen, 
he  has  to  be  "  born  again."  All  his  traditions  and  his  most 
cherished  religious  feelings  antagonize  the  change.  This  must  be 
borne  in  mind  in  estimating  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  im 
proving  the  condition  of  the  Indians. 

The  Indian,  by  nature,  is  a  thorough  communist.  The  passion 
for  the  ownership  of  land,  so  strong  in  civilized  races,  is  wholly 
unknown  to  him.  This  sentiment  is  eliminated  from  his  nature. 
Hence,  one  of  the  great  obstacles  to  inducing  the  Indians  to  own 
and  cultivate  lands  in  severalty. 

Another  objection  springs  from  an  entirely  different  source, 
viz.,  the  fear  that  they  will  be  overcome  in  detail  if  their  com 
munity  of  interest  is  weakened,  almost  destroyed,  by  means  of 
the  sub-division  of  their  lands.* 

The  Indians,  in  their  natural  state,  were  implicitly  obedient 
to  a  few  simple  laws  which  were  ample  for  their  condition. 
These  laws  and  traditions  recognized  individual  ownership  only 
in  strictly  personal  effects,  such  as  clothing,  ornaments  and 
weapons ;  the  separate  ownership  of  land  was  wholly  unknown. 
Even  the  products  of  the  chase  belonged  to  the  clan,  to  a  group 
of  relatives,  sometimes  on  the  male  side,  sometimes  on  the 
female. 

Children  never  inherited  from  their  parents,  but  the  effects  of 
a  dead  Indian  fell  to  the  clan  or  gens  in  common.  This  wholly 
prevented  the  growth  of  the  desire  for  individual  ownership. 
Indeed,  so  far  from  separate  ownership  being  encouraged,  it  was 
severely  reprobated  ;  in  fact,  it  was  not  tolerated. 

The  attempt  to  secure  to  an  individual  what  belonged  to  the 
gens  in  common,  was  a  crime  universally  abhorred.  Such  trans 
gressors  were  considered  to  be  peculiarly  offensive  to  the  gods,  f 
It  is  true  that  this  feeling  is  dying  out,  and  as  to  personal 
property,  it  is  no  longer  of  any  moment ;  but  the  prejudice  still 
exists  as  to  land. 

As  has  been  said,  giving  a  man  a  farm  will  not  make  him  a 
farmer,  and  giving  him  implements  will  not  enable  him  to  use 
them. 

*See  Pleasant  Porter's  remarks,  page  2.  fMaj.  Powell  45th  Cong.  Mis.Doc.  5,  p. 26. 


98  PROPOSED  POLICY. 

Lands  should  only  be  given  in  severalty  when  a  tribe  has 
made  a  considerable  advance  towards  civilization,  so  that  they 
may  in  a  very  short  time  become  self-supporting  and  entirely 
free  from  Government  aid  or  control.  To  give  lands  in  severalty 
before  reaching  this  condition,  would  be  a  great  injury  both  to 
the  Indians  and  to  the  Government. 

In  the  Indian  Territory,  this  entire  subject  should  be  left  to 
the  Indians  themselves. 

Urge  and  educate  them  up  to  the  idea,  accustom  them  to  the 
notion,  that  they  must  meet  the  question  in  the  near  future,  but 
leave  the  details  of  time  and  manner  to  themselves. 

Until  such  time  as  a  majority  of  the  Indians  on  any  particu 
lar  reservation  voluntarily  consent  to  divide  their  own  lands, 
the  grants  in  severalty  should  be  made  by  the  Government  on 
its  own  land  to  individual  Indians. 

Lands  thus  granted  should  be  made  inalienable  and  free  from 
taxes  for  a  fixed  period — less  than  two  generations  would, 
probably,  be  too  short  a  time. 

In  that  interval  the  new  farmer  and  grazier*  will  have  become 
sufficiently  advanced  to  take  care  of  himself,  and  hold  his  own 
against  land  sharks. 

All  agreements  or  contrivances  to  secure  the  lands  to  a  pur 
chaser  upon  the  Indian's  title  becoming  absolute,  should  be  held 
void 

CITIZENSHIP. 

As  soon  as  an  Indian  is  thoroughly  self-supporting,  and  de 
sires  the  privilege,  make  him  a  citizen  and  leave  the  rest  to  time. 
The  Government,  as  such,  can  do  no  more  for  him  then,  than  it 
can  for  any  other  citizen. 

This  right,  however,  should  not  be  conferred  upon  any  tribe, 
or  body  of  Indians  which  continues  to  hold  lauds  in  common. 

Individuality  must  precede  citizenship. 

Hon.  Mr.  Laird,  Dominion  Superintendent  General  (1875), 
p.  xiii  of  report,  writes : 

*  See  Gen.  Gibbon,  "Our  Indian  Question"  (1881),  on  making  Indians  graziers.; 


CITIZENSHIP.  99 

"  Our  Indian  Legislation  generally  rests  upon  the  principle, 
that  the  aborigines  are  to  be  kept  in  a  condition  of  tutelage,  and 
treated  as  wards  or  children  of  the  State.  The  soundness  of 
the  principle  I  cannot  admit.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  firmly 
persuaded  that  the  true  interests  of  the  aborigines  and  of  the  State 
alike,  require  that  every  effort  should  be  made  to  aid  the  red 
man  in  lifting  himself  out  of  his  condition  of  tutelage,  and  de 
pendence,  and  that  it  is  clearly  our  wisdom  and  our  duty,  through 
education  and  every  other  means,  to  prepare  him  for  a  higher 
civilization  by  encouraging  him  to  assume  the  privileges  and 
responsibilities  of  full  citizenship." 


100  THE  EVIL. 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY. 

THE   CULPRIT. 

In  the  national  crime  called  the  Federal  Indian  policy,  the 
real  culprit  is  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States. 

You,  reader,  have  your  share  to  bear  in  the  common  disgrace, 
and  you  must  do  your  part  in  its  reparation. 

But  the  immediate  present  actual  active  culprit,  is  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States,  which  through  its  persistent  and 
long-continued  sins  of  omission,  as  well  as  commission,  has  per 
mitted  the  administration  of  Indian  affairs  to  exhibit  such  dis 
graceful  alternations  of  weakness  and  cruelty,  of  perfidy  and 
fraud.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  too,  that  Congress,  in  all 
these  years  has  sinned  against  the  light. 

It  has  not  been  in  ignorance  of  the  facts,  but  has  lacked  both 
the  power  and  the  will  to  develop  a  policy  that  would  do  justice 
to  the  Indians,  and  honor  to  the  country. 

Congress  in  this  has  been  afflicted  with  that  worst  of  evils, 
spiritual  blindness,  and  that  body  has  never  shown  itself  capa 
ble  in  the  remotest  degree  of  appreciating  the  enormity  of  this 
wrong,  much  less  of  remedying  it. 

The  Executive  has  for  years  made  more  of  an  effort  than 
Congress  to  help  the  Indians,  and  has  been  the  avowed  friend 
of  the  race. 

But,  as  a  rule  (owing  to  the  want  of  honest  co-operation  by 
Congress,  :and  to  its  own  diversity  of  functions),  the  time  of  the 
Interior  Department  has  nevertheless,  been  principally  occupied 
in  making,  breaking  and  remaking,  and  rebreaking  "perpetual" 
treaties  -of  peace. 

A  treaty  is  made,  a  •"  perpetual"  reservation  is  set  aside  and 
certain  annuities  guaranteed. 

Presently,  that  heterogeneous  mass  of  refugees,  miners,  and 
gamblers,  which,  on  .the  frontier,  affects  to  call  itself  the  "  ad- 


CONGRESS.  101 

vance  of  civilization,"  seizes  part  of  the  reservation,  the  pay 
ments  due  come  late,  or  not  at  all,  the  hungry  and  cheated  sav 
ages  rebel,  much  blood  and  treasure  is  spent  in  teaching  them 
that  the  white  man's  "  forever"  means  "  never,"  a  Commission 
is  sent  to  make  more  promises  to  be  broken  like  the  last,  and  so 
on  to  the  end  of  the  shameful  chapter. 

So  notorious  is  all  this,  that  it  is  difficult  to  induce  competent 
men  to  serve  on  Indian  Commissions. 

Nevertheless,  the  remedies  must  be  worked  out  through  Con 
gress. 

That  body  is  inert  or  active  only  for  evil.  The  true  Indian 
policy  must  be  framed  from  without,  and  must  be  forced  on  the 
sluggish  sensibilities  of  the  Federal  Legislature  by  persistent  and 
unremitting  demand.  It  will  never  deal  with  the  subject  in  the 
proper  spirit  as  long  as  it  can  be  put  off. 

No  great  moral  reform  ever  originated  in  Congress,  and  it  is 
safe  to  predict  that  none  ever  will. 

Its  slavery  record  is  full  of  meaning.  That  question  was 
agitated  for  many  long  years  before  Congress  took  any  notice  of 
it,  and  then  the  first  great  struggle  was  begun,  not  with  an 
effort  to  remedy  the  wrong,  but  in  a  vain  attempt  to  smother 
the  national  conscience  by  trying  to  suppress  the  right  of 
petition.  All  through  this  momentous  question,  Congress  was 
the  sluggard.  At  the  end,  the  finishing  blow  was  given  by  the 
Executive,  and  not  by  Congress. 

It  is  true  that  Congress  has  ordered  numerous  "  Indian  in 
vestigations,"  and  has  printed  many  thousand  pages  of  testimony 
and  reports. 

Also  (as  before  mentioned  in  the  Chivington  case),  many 
members  and  witnesses  have  drawn  much  mileage  on  such 
occasions,  and  the  committees  have  spent  great  sums  for 
"  expenses,"  and  favorites  have  earned  pay  as  stenographers  and 
clerks,  thus  helping  to  pay  the  members'  political  debts. 

These  committees  have  generally  done  one  good  thing — 
mercilessly  condemned  the  Federal  Government — yet  the  two 
Houses  have  never  responded,  or  appeared  sufficiently  interested 
to  make  an  earnest  effort  to  respond,  on  any  occasion  with  a  fair, 


102  THE  EVIL. 

well-defined,  carefully  prepared,  and  honestly  kept  policy  for 
Indian  affairs. 

Not  only  have  they  failed  to  meet  the  question  with  a  broad, 
statesmanlike  policy,  but  they  have  time  and  again  neglected  to 
provide  means  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  most  solemn  treaties; 
and,  frequently,  in  the  case  of  ordinary  annual  appropriations, 
have  been  so  dilatory  as  to  cause  great  distress,  sometimes  actual 
and  prolonged  suffering,  for  want  of  food. 

In  the  case  of  the  Sioux  and  others,  it  has  been  shown  that 
Congress  (having  fraudulently  altered  a  treaty  requiring  fifty 
annual  payments  of  $50,000  by  inserting  ten  annual  payments, 
without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the  Indians)  caused  a  dis 
graceful  and  bloody  war  by  refusing  to  continue  the  stipulated 
annual  payments,  whereby  many  lives  were  lost  and  over  thirty 
millions  wasted. 

In  other  words,  Congress  deliberately  endeavored  to  cheat 
these  Indians  out  of  $2,000,000,  and  squandered  over  fifteen 
times  that  sum  in  the  scandalous  attempt ! 

When  Congress  passes  from  the  position  of  criminal  neglect, 
its  acts  are  often  worse  than  its  omissions.  Its  ill-judged,  ill- 
timed  parsimony,  and  its  piddling  penuriousness,  have,  on  other 
occasions,  directly  or  indirectly,  resulted  in  wasteful  expenditure 
of  blood  and  treasure.  It  has  been  successful  only  in  accumu 
lating  a  record  without  parallel  in  modern  civilization  for  its 
heartless  infamy. 

Most  of  the  session  of  Congress  is  spent  in  the  merest  details 
of  necessary  current  legislation  and  partisan  manoeuvres,  and 
the  little  time  which  is  left,  is  generally  consumed  in  dull  itera 
tion  of  inane  platitudes  about  finances,  or  the  tariff,  or  some 
other  subject  upon  which  the  speakers  are  equally  uninformed.. 

During  the  last  four  years  the  principal  sign  of  Congressional 
activity  has  been  in  a  persistent  effort  to  pass  the  Oklahama  Ter 
ritory  Bill,  and  the  attempt  to  turn  the  Indians  over  to  the  War 
Department  on  the  extermination  theory.  These  are  twin  mea 
sures  intended  to  open  the  Indian  territory  to  railroads,  and 
generally,  to  the  civilizing  influences  of  frontier  life. 

Both  schemes  are  unanimously  opposed  by  the  60,000  self- 


THE  ROUTINE  CONGRESSMAN.  103 

governing,   civilized   Indians,   who  inhabit  the  territory,  and 
would  be  crowning  infamies. 

The  most  notable  men  in  Congress  have  their  time  full  of 
their  own  aspirations  and  the  exactions  of  party  leadership,  and 
when  one  comes  to  consider  the  "routine  Congressman"  it  will 
be  seen  what  an  immense  propulsion  from  without  it  will  take 
to  enforce  an  honest,  as  well  as  a  live,  Indian  policy. 

THE  ROUTINE   CONGRESSMAN. 

He  is,  in  many  respects,  unique. 

As  a  political  molecule,  he  is  sui  generis. 

His  like  has  never  existed  anywhere  else,  either  in  ancient  or 
modern  times. 

No  other  representative  Government,  past  or  present,  has 
produced  his  counterpart. 

In  knowing  this  he  need  not  feel  proud,  nor  need  his  constit 
uents. 

His  peculiar  constitution  is  owing  to  himself  and  to  his  sur 
roundings. 

Of  himself,  consider  what  he  is  not  as  well  as  what  he  is. 

He  is  not  positively  bad ;  indeed,  he  is  positively  nothing. 

His  points  are  mainly  negations. 

Fortunately,  he  is  not  rash. 

His  worst  enemy  will  freely  acquit  him  of  this  imputation. 

His  professional  training,  such  as  it  is,  has  had  this  effect, 
that,  be  he  never  so  radical  on  a  party  question,  he  is  essen 
tially  timid  about  changes  in  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 

Thus,  the  country  has  escaped  the  wild  schemes  of  the 
doctrinaires. 

This  is  owing  to  the  education  of  the  common  law,  for  this 
same  class  'of  lawyers  in  France  having  no  such  conservative 
influence  and  being  carried  away  by  the  crudities  of  the  "  Con- 
trat  Social"  became  the  most  pestiferous  element  in  the  French 
Revolution. 

This  routine  representative  is  disposed  to  consider  whatever 
is,  is  right.  Many  other  things  he  is  not. 

What  he  is,  makes  it  important  to  consider  him  here. 


104  THE  EVIL. 

The  great  role  of  the  "  routine  member,"  in  fact  his  princi 
pal  employment,  is  to  maintain  a  political  "  intelligence  bureau" 
for  the  benefit  of  such  of  his  "  workers"  as  desire  to  live  with 
out  work. 

The  number  and  variety  of  "  strong  letters"  he  can  write, 
urging  the  peculiar  fitness  of  A,  B  or  C,  for  this,  that  or  the 
other  post,  are  equally  a  pleasant  surprise  to  the  happy  candi 
dates,  and  a  terror  to  their  official  recipient. 

As  a  guide  for  visiting  constituents,  he  is  also  a  success. 

The  members  of  other  representative  bodies  have  no  patron 
age,  and  as  a  rule  no  individual  schemes. 

They  simply  vote  on  drafts  of  laws  prepared  and  submitted 
by  the  ministry. 

But  the  routine  Congressman  occupies  no  such  limited  sphere. 

Although  most  of  his  legislative  hours  are  passed  in  consid 
ering  appropriations,  investigations  and  other  current  matters, 
with  occasional  partisan  bills,  he  is  in  his  happiest  mood  when 
he  is  rid  of  all  this,  and  when  he  is  indeed  a  legislator.  Then,  free 
from  the  prejudices  of  the  dead  past  (often  knowing  nothing  of 
it),  and,  having  caught  the  Speaker's  eye,  he  calls  up  his 
u  measure." 

He  never  proposes  a  bill  or  an  act,  it  is  always  a  "  measure" 
or  a  "  project." 

Every  man  is  his  own  premier,  frames  his  own  laws,  rides 
his  own  legislative  hobbies,  and  ventilates  his  crammings  from 
encyclopaedias  and  newspaper  clippings. 

By  and  by  this  "  effort"  appears  in  the  member's  district 
under  his  frank. 

This  is  his  "  record." 

There  is  one  encouraging  feature  about  him. 

It  is  this — outside  of  partizanship  and  law  he  has  no  very 
strong  convictions,  and  will  take  kindly  to  yours,  reader,  if  you 
sufficiently  impress  him  with  your  earnestness. 

This  is  the  key  of  the  situation. 

It  will  not  be  so  much  aggressive  opposition,  as  quiet  indif 
ference,  or  a  dogged  unreasoning  belief  that  nothing  can  be 
done  for  the  Indian  race,  that  will  have  to  be  contended  with. 


ITS  REMEDY.  105 

The  question  is — how  can  a  public  sentiment  be  developed  in 
favor  of  the  proposed  policy,  and  be  made  to  impress  itself 
forcibly  and  successfully  on  Congress  ? 

The  immediate  objective  point  is  this — to  have  Congress  form 
ally,  by  resolution,  adopt  a  declaration  of  principles  for  the  fu 
ture  government  of  Indian  affairs,  embracing  the  views  here  ad 
vocated. 

These  once  declared  by  an  overwhelming  voice  to  be  the  fixed 
unalterable  policy  of  the  Government,  current  legislation  would 
from  year  to  year  be  in  harmony  therewith. 


106  AGITATION. 


AGITATION. 

Having  discussed  the  proposed  plan,  it  remains  to  be  consid 
ered  what  must  be  done  to  secure  its  adoption,  development  and 
enforcement  by  the  Government. 

This  can  only  be  accomplished  by  systematic  agitation. 

Concert  of  action  is  essential. 

This  requires  unity  of  interest  to  a  sufficient  degree  to  pre 
serve  organization,  and  produce  aggressive  movement. 

For  this  reason  local  Indian  Peace  Societies  could  not,  at  least 
now,  be  made  effective. 

The  interest  in  the  subject  is  too  slight,  too  merely  passive  or 
assenting.  The  difficulty  of  association  is  so  great,  the  evil  so 
remote  and  unseen,  and  the  purpose  so  wholly  foreign  to  the 
concerns  of  every-day  life,  that  such  societies  now  would  be  in 
efficient. 

MACHINERY. 

To  overcome  this  difficulty,  comprehensive  machinery  of  agi 
tation  is  required.  What  shall  it  be,  and  how  shall  it  be 
managed  ? 

For  the  rapid  propagation  of  any  plan  of  moral  improve 
ment,  machinery  is  quite  as  necessary  as  it  is  in  politics.  As  to 
politics,  a  great  deal  of  unmeaning  twaddle  is  indulged  in  by 
inconsequential  dreamers  about  the  "  political  machine." 

But  the  fact  remains,  that  it  is  indispensable. 

There  is  nothing  wrong  about  the  machine  per  se,  the  trouble 
is  with  the  men  who  control  it.  The  political  machine  proper 
is  identical  in  both  parties,  and  in  all  parts  of  the  Union. 

Having  National  and  State  organizations,  and  the  latter  being 
sub-divided  into  county,  township,  ward  and  division  commit 
tees,  the  machine  is  admirably  adapted  to  the  purpose  for 
which  it  was  brought  into  existence,  viz :  to  marshal  political 
thought  into  concerted  aggressive  action. 

Those  who  affect  to  denounce  political  machines,  invariably 


MACHINERY.  107 

show  their  disbelief  in  their  own  invectives  by  establishing  rival 
ones  of  their  own.  The  political  machine  is  not  the  creation  of 
one  mind,  or  of  one  generation  of  minds.  Indeed  it  never  was 
created,  it  grew  spontaneously. 

It  is  practically  unrecognized  by  the  law,  it  is  imperium  in  im- 
periOj  yet  in  all  crises  gives  the  almost  direct  initiative  to  Gov 
ernment. 

It  must  be  observed  too,  that,  (except  in  purely  local  organiza 
tions,  dealing  with  the  merest  details,)  this  machine  has  no  writ 
ten  code,  but  is  governed  exclusively  by  a  sort  of  common  law 
of  its  own  which  is  practically  identical  everywhere.  This  po 
litical  common  law  is  the  outgrowth  of  a  century  of  popular 

Sovereignty.  a^oFT  U.BKARY 

Three  generations  of  public  men,  all  over  the  country,  having 
by  general  consent,  become  convinced,  not  only  that  a  machine 
is  necessary,  but  also  that  it  must  be  constructed  in  a  particular 
way,  the  conclusion  forces  itself  on  the  mind,  that  their  convic 
tion  and  consequent  action  must  have  been  caused  by  the  inhe 
rent  necessities  of  the  situation. 

To  suppose  that  the  machine  as  an  entirety,  owes  its  origin  to 
,11  corrupt  desire  of  politicians  to  enjoy  the  Government  patron 
age,  is  puerile  in  the  extreme. 

The  reason  why  this  political  machinery  springs  everywhere 
spontaneously  into  being,  and  is  found  in  no  other  country  in 
such  perfection  of  growth,  is  self-evident. 

The  United  States  is  the  only  great  Nation  governed,  almost 
unrestrictedly,  by  universal  suffrage. 

In  aristocratic  and  autocratic  countries  the  governing  class  is 
comparatively  small,  is  bound  together  by  many  ties,  and  has 
ready  and  constant  facilities  for  inter-communication.  There  is 
an  esprit  du  corps  which  animates  the  entire  mass. 

Through  class  distinctions  and  hereditary  governing  functions 
— both  those  recognized  by  the  laws  and  those  by  custom  and 
the  force  of  things — the  prevailing  idea  makes  itself  felt  with 
ease,  and  thus  shapes  government  action. 

Even  in  that  political  organism  which  calls  itself  the  French 
Republic,  the  same  thing  may  be  noticed,  though  in  a  modified 
degree. 


108  AGITATION. 

That  Government  is  mainly  what  might  be  termed  a  recog 
nition  throughout  of  the  status  quo. 

With  a  standing  army,  a  peculiarly  constructed  Senate,  a 
Church  powerful,  though  barely  tolerated  by  atheism,  an  aris 
tocracy  which,  though  without  functional  activity,  wields  great 
power;  in  a  word,  it  presents  the  spectacle  of  the  traditions  of 
absolutism  working  under  the  tri-color;  all  interests  and 
classes  are  in  some  degree  either  recognized  by  law  or  in  fact. 

In  a  Government,  however,  conducted  by  universal  suffrage, 
and  as  near  a  pure  democracy  as  possible,  immediate,  spon 
taneous,  popular  concert  of  action  on  either  moral  or  political 
causes  occurs  only  in  great  crises. 

The  interests  and  classes  which  elsewhere  thus  effect  Dolitical 
results,  either  do  not  exist  here,  or  have  no  ready  cohesion  or 
inter-commu  n  ication . 

Every  political  unit  moves,  but,  without  the  usual  political 
machinery,  concert  of  action  cannot  be  attained. 

Hence,  the  machine  has  been  found  to  be  a  necessity. 

If  the  machine,  in  carrying  out  the  object  of  its  existence, 
incidentally  makes  or  mars  the  fortunes  of  its  engineers  (who  use 
it  for  their  own  corrupt  ends),  that  is  a  good  reason  for  changing 
the  engineers,  but  not  for  discarding  the  machine. 

SOCIAL   FOKCES. 

A  machinery,  therefore,  being  requisite,  and  the  establishment 
of  one  purely  devoted  to  Indian  affairs  being  now  impracticable, 
the  question  recurs  :  How  shall  it  be  constructed,  and  how 
operated  ? 

The  projected  Indian  agitation  is  not  a  movement  which  will 
excite  the  interest  of  the  average  voter,  nor  is  it  important  that 
it  should. 

The  attempt  will  not  be  made. 

The  entire  agitation  is  intended  to  influence  the  individual 
members  of  Congress  through  representative  men,  representative 
bodies,  and  representative  classes  in  their  districts. 

For  this  reason,  public  meetings  and  other  similar  general 
appeals  would  not  be  lastingly  effective. 


SOCIAL  FORCES.  109 

But  how  bring  these  representative  influences  to  bear  upon 
Congressmen  ? 

Only  one  practicable  plan  suggests  itself. 

It  is  proposed  to  utilize  the  entire  machinery  of  society,  as  it  now 
exists,  and  use  it  as  a  means  for  promoting  the  requisite  public 
agitation. 

The  agencies  through  which  society  carries  on  its  manifold 
operations — religious,  political,  social,  economic — bear  the  same 
relation  to  the  body  politic  that  the  veins,  muscles,  and  nerves 
do  to  the  human  frame. 

Here  it  is  the  political  organism — the  Government — which 
fails  to  perform  its  functions. 

The  other  organisms  must  be  constrained  to  act  upon  this 
one  to  compel  it  to  do  its  work. 

THE  PRESS. 

Throughout  the  Union  the  Press,  with  few  exceptions,  has 
shown  its  appreciation  of  the  enormities  of  the  Federal  Indian 
history,  and  may  be  looked  to  for  very  potential  service  in  re 
forming  the  abuses  of  the  past  and  advocating  any  measures 
designed  to  give  the  Indians  fair  play  in  the  future. 

THE   CHURCHES. 

With  a  systematic  and  comprehensive  system  of  correspon 
dence,  the  churches  can,  through  their  Bishops,  or  other  dig 
nitaries,  act  upon  the  local  clergy  and,  through  them,  upon  the 
church  societies  and  leading  parishioners,  who  in  their  turn  will 
deal  directly  and  personally  with  their  members  of  Congress. 

THE  STATE. 

In  the  State,  through  the  Executive,  the  scheme  may  receive 
the  favorable  attention  of  the  Legislature,  and  thus  that  of  the 
Executives  and  Legislatures  of  the  other  States. 

MUNICIPALITIES. 

In  like  manner,  through  the  Mayors  of  cities,  the  plan  will 
be  brought  before  the  municipal  bodies  for  endorsement. 

PARTY  ORGANIZATIONS. 

The  various  party  organizations  can,  in  a  similar  way,  act  upon 
kindred  bodies  throughout  the  country. 


110  AGITATION. 

THE  SCHOOLS. 

In  the  same  way,  the  universities,  colleges,  learned  societies 
of  every  kind,  and  the  entire  public  school  system  through- 
the  Union,  can  be  made  to  work  as  a  unit  to  secure  a  successful 
issue  of  the  agitation. 

THE   BOARDS   OF   TRADE 

can  also  very  effectively  aid  in  the  proposed  agitation.     Chari 
table  and  other  societies  will  be  invited  to  join  in  the  movement. 

As  has  been  intimated,  it  is  not  intended  to  attempt  to  act 
directly  on  the  mass  of  the  voting  population,  but  it  is  designed 
to  make  each  individual  Congressman  a  separate  "field  of 
action,"  in  order  to  secure  his  hearty  co-operation  in  the  pro 
posed  Indian  policy,  by  using  directly  and  immediately  upon 
him  in  his  district,  all  the  forces  of  society  just  detailed. 

Sometimes,  having  in  view  the  peculiar  characteristics  and 
antecedents,  and  capabilities  of  a  particular  member,  a  special 
pressure  will  be  brought  to  bear  upon  him,  both  in  his  district 
and  from  without,  through  that  distinct  interest  most  likely  to 
impress  him  favorably. 

It  is  intended  to  secure  systematic  and  periodical  reports  of 
the  condition  of  the  agitation  in  each  Congressional  district. 
Thus  its  progress  can  be  noted,  and  in  all  weak,  halting  or  hos 
tile  districts  redoubled  and  continued  efforts  will  be  persisted  in 
until  the  member  pledges  his  support. 

In  the  case  of  Senators,  the  only  difference  will  be,  that  in 
stead  of  depending  on  district  influence  recourse  will  be  had, 
principally  to  State  organisms. 

INITIAL  MOVEMENT. 

To  set  all  these  forces — religious,  political,  social  economic — in 
motion,  and  when  started  to  keep  them  moving  as  a  unit,  and 
pressing  forward  agressively  in  the  cause,  two  things  are  neces 
sary  : 

An  initial  movement  in  some  one  locality. 

A  thorough  system  of  correspondence  between  that  centre  and 
each  Congressional  district. 


INITIAL  MOVEMENT.  HI 

The  initial  movement  must  be  by  individual  effort  in  that 
place,  so  as  to  make  it  the  headquarters  of  the  agitation. 

In  other  words  the  entire  social  organism  of  that  placey  mustr 
by  individual  action,  be  thoroughly  interested  in  the  cause,  so 
that  in  all  its  ramifications,  it  may  be  used  to  influence  like 
organisms  in  every  Congressional  district. 

From  explanations  of  this  plan  of  Indian  policy  made  to 
dignitaries  of  the  various  churches  (and  active  spirits  in  their 
societies),  to  leading  men  in  official  and  political  life,  to  repre 
sentatives  of  the  press,  of  science,  arts  and  commerce,  the  writer 
is  enabled  to  say  that  assurances  of  hearty  co-operation  have 
already  been  received. 

The  writer  proposes,  with  their  assistance,  to  undertake  to 
create  in  Philadelphia,  as  a  centre  of  agitation,  the  necessary 
sentiment  through  representative  agencies  in  favor  of  the  pro 
jected  Indian  policy,  and  to  use  that  sentiment  in  securing  the 
active  support  of  similar  forces  in  the  various  districts,,  whereby 
the  aid  of  the  member  of  Congress  must  be  obtained. 

To  make  this  local  interest  effective  throughout  the  Union,  it 
is  requisite  that  there  be  established  a  very  thorough  and  com 
prehensive  system  of  correspondence  between  Philadelphia,  as 
a  headquarters,  and  each  Congressional  district. 

This  must  be  continued  until  its  object  shall  have  been  ac 
complished. 

This  system  of  correspondence  the  writer  will  establish  and 
maintain.  This  paper  is  published  in  order  to  explain  the 
plan,  and  its  proposed  means  of  enforcement,  to  those  whose 
active  individual  aid  will  be  sought,  and  to>  such  others  as  may 
feel  interested  therein. 

DETAILS. 

The  details  of  agitation  are  important  to  secure  efficiency,  and 
a  result  corresponding  with  the  effort. 

The  method  proposed  for  the  churches  will  serve  as  an  exam 
ple.  The  various  denominations  have  for  many  years  been  en 
gaged  in  active  and  untiring  missionary  work  amongst  the  In 
dians  for  their  individual  improvement. 


112  DETAILS. 

The  agitation  here  proposed,  however,  concerning  the  entire 
race  in  its  relations  with  the  Federal  Government,  will  not  in 
any  way  conflict  therewith. 

The  hierarchy  is  admirably  adapted  for  the  systematic 
propagation  of  the  plan. 

In  each  denomination  it  is  designed  that  the  Philadelphia 
Bishop,  or  other  authority,  write  circular  letters,  which  will  be 
mailed  to  all  the  other  Bishops,  or  corresponding  authorities, 
throughout  the  United  States. 

The  recipients  of  these  letters  will  be  requested  to  issue  pas 
torals  to  the  local  clergy,  which  will  briefly  refer  to  the  pro 
posed  Indian  policy  set  forth  in  the  platform  (designed  to  ac 
company  the  same),  and  they  will  be  desired  to  address  their 
congregations  in  advocacy  thereof. 

They  will  be  furnished  with  petitions,  which  they  will  be 
asked  to  invite  their  parishioners  to  sign  immediately  after  the 
service. 

They  will  also  be  urged  to  appoint  a  committee  of  their 
most  active  and  influential  members,  who  will  communicate  with 
the  member  of  Congress  from  their  district,  and  have  a  time 
fixed  for  a  personal  interview  with  him. 

At  this  interview  it  is  particularly  desired  that  the  entire  com 
mittee,  with  the  pastor,  attend,  give  the  member  the  petitions  to 
be  presented  by  him  in  Congress,  and  then  and  there  call  upon 
him  for  his  support,  and  insist  upon  having  it. 

Finally  the  results  of  this  interview,  and  any  views  and  sug 
gestions  which  occur  to  the  committee,  are  to  be  reported  at  once 
to  Philadelphia. 

This  is  of  the  utmost  importance. 

In  like  manner  all  the  various  organizations  connected  with 
the  church  will  be  invited  to  take  formal  action  and  make 
known  their  wishes  to  the  member  of  Congress. 

In  this  way,  the  entire  force  of  each  church  in  the  district  will 
be  brought  to  bear  directly  upon  him. 

The  plan  proposed  here  for  the  churches  is  designed  to  be  em 
ployed,  mutatis  mutandis,  with  every  social,  political,  and  econ 
omic  organism  in  his  district. 


.CONCLUSION.    .  113 

No  member  of  Congress  can  resist  all  these  influences. 

The  majority  will  have  no  inclination  to  resist.  When  they 
feel  what  is  expected  of  them,  they  will  do  it. 

Under  persistent  and  continued  agitation,  gradually,  wide 
spread  indifference,  or  aimless  interest,  will  be  succeeded  here  and 
there  by  an  aggressive  spirit  which  will  spread  and  grow,  and 
when  once  fairly  aroused  will  never  rest  until  the  blot  upon 
the  Nation — its  past  Indian  record — shall  have  been  wiped 
out  by  deeds  of  ample  justice. 

It  was  so  with  that  other  great  national  evil  of  slavery,  which 
cried  out  to  heaven  for  vengeance,  through  the  tears  of  many 
generations,  in  vain.  It  was  only  in  the  last  that  the  spirit 
quickened  and  bore  fruit  in  deeds. 

How  like  the  growing  of  a  mighty  tempest,  the  elements 
of  that  strife  gathered  themselves  together  !  When  the  right, 
ceasing  merely  to  mutter,  had  become  aggressive,  how  the  storm 
spread  and  enveloped  all  things  !  The  antagonistic  forces,  right 
and  wrong,  tiring  of  delay,  at  last,  in  the  terrible  earnestness 
of  a  great  moral  revolution,  resolved  themselves  into  physical 
force ;  and  then  the  right,  sweeping  over  the  land,  wiped  out 
this  accursed  thing  and  carried  with  it  every  obstacle  which 
stood  in  the  way. 

So  it  will  be  here.  But  far  speedier  results  may  be  looked  for, 
and  through  moral  agencies  alone. 

Neither  official  sanction  nor  public  opinion  can  soon  remedy 
the  evils  caused  by  generations  of  moral  obliquity. 

But  a  general  acceptance  of  the  proposed  policy,  its  formal 
and  irrevocable  adoption  by  the  Federal  Government  as  its  fixed 
basis  of  action,  and  the  existence  of  a  public  opinion  determined 
to  enforce  it,  will  give  an  impetus  to  the  work,  which  will,  by 
many  years,  abridge  the  time  required  to  make  the  Indians 
civilized  and  wholly  able  to  take  care  of  themselves. 

This  point  reached,  the  Nation  and  its  Government,  being 
so  resolved,  one  generation  of  honest,  persistent  effort  will 
make  the  entire  Indian  population  fit  for  absorption  into  the 
great  mass  of  the  Nation. 

JAMES  W.  M.  NEWLIN. 

Philadelphia,  November,  1881. 


